scholarly journals Hva skjedde ved valget? Nasjonale trender og lokale variasjoner

2021 ◽  
pp. 27-61
Author(s):  
Jo Saglie ◽  
Johannes Bergh ◽  
Jens Petter Gitlesen ◽  
Hilmar Rommetvedt

The aim of this chapter is to provide a broad overview of national trends and local variations at the 2019 local elections – the first elections to be held in the new, merged municipalities and counties. Looking at the nationwide results, the government parties as well as the Labour Party suffered losses, while the other opposition parties – especially the Centre Party – were the winners. While welfare policy has been high on the voter agenda in previous elections, the environment and climate change were the most important issues this time, especially among young voters. The voter agenda nevertheless varied between municipalities. Climate and the environment were, like the issue of toll roads, most important in the cities. In many peripheral districts, on the other hand, amalgamation of municipalities and other centralizing public sector reforms were significant issues. The centre-periphery dimension is still important in Norwegian politics, and it has contributed to the Centre Party’s gains – particularly in a number of former Labour Party strongholds in northern Norway. Local conditions also contribute to variation. Looking at results from individual municipalities, local deviations from the national trend have increased. Moreover, an increasing share of voters says that local issues were important for their vote.

1977 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 26-37

The critical assumption for this forecast is that relating to pay policy when Stage Two expires in July. At the time of writing (early February), formal negotiations have not yet begun. Preliminary positions have, however, been taken up, and it seems clear that the gap between the hopes of the Government and the aims of the trade unions is much wider than at the comparable point in the Stage Two negotiations. Both the Labour Party conference and the Trade Union Congress last autumn passed motions which called for priority to be given, when Stage Two ended, to four factors in the next stage. These were the restoration of satisfactory differentials and the correction of anomalies and inequities, an emphasis on the improvement of the position of the low-paid, the consolidation of Stage One and Two increases into basic rates for the calculation of overtime, piece-work and shift payments, and provision for productivity agreements. Almost independently of the agreed basic norm, a liberal interpretation of these demands could lead to rises in average earnings in excess of 20 per cent. On the other hand, the majority of trade unionists seem to accept the need for continued restraint, though stressing that there is an imperative need for greater flexibility in Stage Three.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Kuntarno Noor Aflah

Poverty has many definitions, parameters, and standards. From the viewpoint of Islam, many theologians define and measure poverty by various terms and sizes. The difference among theologians’ opinion is caused by poverty terms contained in the Qur’an and Hadits. “Fakir” and “poor” have many meanings. It allows a wide interpretation of the verse and word from theologians. It is also seen from the regulation point in Indonesia, there are many definitions, standards and parameters of poverty. The difference of point of view on determination of poverty criteria and regulations according to Islam in Indonesia shows that the ways of ijtihad by theologians and the government elements is very open. The absence of standard stipulation held, encouraging the writer to conduct a comparative research in this paper; through literacy research. Syafi’i sect does not specify a quantitative standard for poverty. Poverty is only categorized on requirement. As long as people are not able to cover 50% of their basic needs, they are called as fakir. If people are only able to cover close to 70% of their basic needs then they are categorized as poor. Meanwhile, according to Hanafi sect, the qualitative standards turned to the Syafi’i sect. Poor conditions are more severe than the fakir. Besides,the quantitative standard of poverty is one nisab of zakat or the equivalent of 85 grams of gold. On the other hand, BPS and BKKBN formulate the concept and standard of poverty by economic concepts. Poverty is conceptualized as the inability of someone to meet basic consumption needs of the formulation adapted to local conditions respectively.


HortScience ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 651e-652
Author(s):  
Joseph Thomas

Floriculture is growing at a frenetic pace in India. From a few units in 1990, nearly hundred units are either fully operational or at various stages of implementation. Almost seventy of these produce rose for the cut flower export market. The average unit size is two hectare under poly-cover. Anthurium, carnation, chrysanthemum, orchids and gerbera comprise the other cut flower producing units. Technology has come mostly from Holland, with Israel now giving severe competition to the Dutch. Germany, France, United Kingdom, and New Zealand are the other countries involved in technology transfer. Many units have the fan and pad system for temperature control along with drip irrigation and computer mediated operations. Most units use natural soil as the medium of growth whereas some have a combination of sand and natural soil and a few have adopted complete sand bed culture as practiced by Israeli growers. These hybrid as well as the state-of-the-art floriculture technologies are competing for the Indian market and the next few years will determine the system that is most suitable for adoption under local conditions. The Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Development Authority (APEDA), a wing of the Commerce Ministry of the Government of India, and the National Horticulture Board have indeed provided substantial support for the growth of Indian floriculture Industry. Meanwhile, more and more entrepreneurs are, on their own, setting up cold storages and operating cold trucks near major airports to maintain appropriate temperatures from harvest to destination. It is widely expected that more than 50% of the existing floriculture units will make good whereas the remaining may not survive either due to sourcing of unsuitable technologies or lack of expertise in floriculture production and management as well as international marketing prowess. There is also consensus that no single foreign technology giver is capable of meeting adequately the total needs in the Indian context and often it is a matter of the collaborators learning together. What seems certain is that India will, by the year 2000, be a major player in international floriculture because of the diverse agroclimatically suitable locations, lower labor cost, and talented human resource.


2019 ◽  
Vol 132 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-374
Author(s):  
Jos Gabriëls

Abstract Time-honoured friends. French influence on the formation of the princely court of Louis Bonaparte, king of HollandIn 1806, at Napoleon’s behest, Louis Bonaparte suddenly became the foreign king of a former republic. Confronted with the problem of finding competent and trustworthy senior court dignitaries in this alien environment, he initially resorted to appointing French friends and confidants. Louis’ choice was far from unique: his crowned relatives elsewhere, by necessity, opted for the same solution. This article reconstructs the early household composed by Louis and compares it to the households in the other satellite states. The juxtaposition not only highlights Napoleon’s constant interference in nominations, but also reveals some inconsistencies in the Emperor’s attitude. In addition, it emphasizes the marked impact of local conditions. Contrary to the situation in the other Napoleonic kingdoms, no Frenchmen entered the government posts in Holland, yet they dominated in senior court office. The comparison also helps to explain the remarkably rapid disappearance of French court dignitaries from Holland, prompting the ‘Dutchification’ of the king’s entourage familiar from earlier historiography.


2016 ◽  
pp. 91-118
Author(s):  
Peter Black

The Sonderdienst (Special Service) was an enforcement agency developed by German SS and Police authorities, specifically in the Lublin District of the so called Government General (central and southeastern German-occupied Poland) to assist in enforcing German occupation ordinances in the cities and particularly in the countryside, where lack of police personnel, ignorance of local conditions, and perceived fear of partisan attack discouraged a direct German police presence. After February 1941, the SS and Police relinquished control over the Sonderdienst to the German civilian occupation authorities. Under civilian authority, the Sonderdienst was deployed at the Kreis level, under command of the so-called German Stadt- and Kreishauptmänner in detachments of approximately 30 men to carry out administrative enforcement activities when the civilian authorities were unable to count or SS and police support. This article examines how the Sonderdienst highlights the dependence of German administration in the Government General on locally recruited auxiliaries, particularly in the countryside. The Sonderdienst was conceived, developed, expanded, and deployed within the context of a bitter battle between German civilian authorities and the SS/police apparatus over control of local executive police power. This is hardly new; yet the Government General is unusual in that the German civilian authorities were able to fight the SS to a draw on this issue. Since its formation followed the recruitment of the “ethnic” and ideological “cream” of the ethnic German population of occupied Poland into agencies such as the Selbstschutz, and the Waffen SS, the Sonderdienst represents an early effort of the National Socialist authorities to fashion an ethnically conscious and ideologically committed corps from young men of questionable, even dubious, German ancestry and heritage. Finally, this study reveals not only the complicity of the civilian authorities in Nazi crimes, but the link in German-occupied Poland between “routine” administrative duties, such as collecting fines for ordinance violations, and the brutal persecution and annihilation of groups targeted as enemies of the German Reich, such as the Polish Jews. Civilian administrators and SS and police authorities shared the “National Socialist consensus” in occupied Poland. They wanted to annihilate the Jews and the Polish intelligentsia, to exploit the labor potential of the Polish masses, and to turn the Government General into a region of German settlement. As a part of this vision, the Sonderdienst was to serve not only as a police executive, but as a political and cultural steppingstone to full acceptance into the German “racial community.” There is no question that, even in “routine” duties, the Sonderdienst participated, more or less willingly, in the implementation of the most evil racist policies of the National Socialist regime.


Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.


Author(s):  
Roger W. Shuy

Much is written about how criminal suspects, defendants, and undercover targets use ambiguous language in their interactions with police, prosecutors, and undercover agents. This book examines the other side of the coin, describing fifteen criminal investigations demonstrating how police, prosecutors, undercover agents, and complainants use deceptive ambiguity with their subjects, which leads to misrepresentations of the speech events, schemas, agendas, speech acts, lexicon, and grammar. These misrepresentations affect the perceptions of judges and juries about the subjects’ motives, predispositions, intentions, and voluntariness. Deception is commonly considered intentional while ambiguity is often excused as unintentional performance errors. Although perhaps overreliance on Grice’s maxim of sincerity leads some to believe this, interactions of suspects, defendants, and targets with representatives of law are adversarial, non-cooperative events that enable participants to ignore or violate the cooperative principle. One effective way the government does this is to use ambiguity deceptively. Later listeners to the recordings of such conversations may not recognize this ambiguity and react in ways that the subjects may not have intended. Deceptive ambiguity is clearly intentional in undercover operations and the case examples illustrate that the practice also is alive and well in police interviews and prosecutorial questioning. The book concludes with a summary of how the deceptive ambiguity used by representatives of the government affected the perception of the subjects’ predisposition, intentionality and voluntariness, followed by a comparison of the relative frequency of deceptive ambiguity used by the government in its representations of speech events, schemas, agendas, speech acts, lexicon, and grammar.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002073142199484
Author(s):  
Finn Diderichsen

Sweden has since the start of the pandemic a COVID-19 mortality rate that is 4 to 10 times higher than in the other Nordic countries. Also, measured as age-standardized all-cause excess mortality in the first half of 2020 compared to previous years Sweden failed in comparison with the other Nordic countries, but only among the elderly. Sweden has large socioeconomic and ethnic inequalities in COVID-19 mortality. Geographical, ethnic, and socioeconomic inequalities in mortality can be due to differential exposure to the virus, differential immunity, and differential survival. Most of the country differences are due to differential exposure, but the socioeconomic disparities are mainly driven by differential survival due to an unequal burden of comorbidity. Sweden suffered from an unfortunate timing of tourists returning from virus hotspots in the Alps and Sweden's government response came later and was much more limited than elsewhere. The government had an explicit priority to protect the elderly in nursing and care homes but failed to do so. The staff in elderly care are less qualified and have harder working conditions in Sweden, and they lacked adequate care for the clients. Sweden has in recent years diverged from the Scandinavian welfare model by strong commercialization of primary care and elderly care.


2020 ◽  
pp. 174387212098228
Author(s):  
Stephen Riley

Drawing upon Kant’s analysis of the role of intuitions in our orientation towards knowledge, this paper analyses four points of departure in thinking about dignity: self, other, time and space. Each reveals a core area of normative discourse – authenticity in the self, respect for the other, progress through time and authority as the government of space – along with related grounds of resistance to dignity. The paper concludes with a discussion of the methodological challenge presented by our different dignitarian intuitions, in particular the role of universality in testing and cohering our intuitions.


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