Participatory Movements under Authoritarian Government

2015 ◽  
pp. 57-90
Author(s):  
Christopher Wixson

‘Extravagant’ discusses how George Bernard Shaw’s plays continue to experiment with dramatic structure and style as he recovers his optimism in social progress amid the devastating effects of the Great War. As he pursued ‘extravagant’ flexibility in stage convention, Shaw was also stepping beyond the confines of his Fabian Socialism. The Apple Cart (1928), On the Rocks (1933), and Geneva (1936) were written at a time when Shaw seriously pondered the efficacy of enlightened authoritarian government in accelerating advancement of the species.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Midori Ogasawara

Japan’s ultra-right wing government, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe since 2012, has been enforcing a number of controversial laws, such as the Secrecy Act and Security Act, which have enhanced surveillance and militarism. Without changing the Constitution, these laws allow the government to undermine the constitutional rights for individuals. The Conspiracy Law, Abe’s next attempt, focuses on placing people’s everyday communications under scrutiny. Against the modern principal of criminal justice, this law criminalizes the communications regarding crimes, without any criminal actions. Due to its extensively invasive character, the bill has been cancelled three times in the Diet in the past decade, but Abe insists that it is necessary for a successful running of 2020 Olympic in Tokyo as an anti-terror measure. While the Olympic gives the authoritarian government the best opportunity to incite nationalism and stabilize the rule, as the Nazi performed in 1936, surveillance comes forth to eliminate both public and private communications that question, criticize or counter the legitimacy of state power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (6) ◽  
pp. 1389-1402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Gamso

Abstract China has been a major market for elephant ivory for centuries. However, the Chinese government recently enacted bans on imports and exports of ivory (2015) and on the domestic ivory trade (2017). These bans appear to have come in response to intensive influence campaigns and public shaming from domestic and foreign activists, who cited declining elephant populations and highlighted China's role. However, this shaming-narrative is at odds with conventional wisdom regarding Chinese policy-making: China typically resists international pressures and its authoritarian government is thought to be largely insulated from domestic efforts by civil society groups. This article reconciles Beijing's ivory policy with these conventional beliefs about policy-making in China. I argue that the Chinese government saw unique benefits to banning the ivory trade, under growing international scrutiny, as doing so enhanced Chinese soft power while having very little impact on its sovereignty or development. Non-government organizations (NGOs) operating both inside and outside of China played a role as well: NGOs in China helped to shift Chinese public opinion towards favouring the bans, while those operating abroad led public relations efforts to publicize Chinese demand for ivory to foreign audiences. Efforts by the latter group of NGOs intensified pressure on the Chinese government to rein in the ivory market, while increasing the soft power benefits that banning ivory would bring to Beijing.


2019 ◽  
pp. 243-264
Author(s):  
Sasha D. Pack

This chapter analyzes the regional consequences of the advent of American hegemony over the course of two decades. The smuggling and banditry that long characterized the region continued, ultimately undermining the Franco regime’s efforts to manipulate its currency and build an autarkic economy. Spanish attention to the southern border did not flag, however, as the Franco regime believed a strong authoritarian government in Morocco was necessary to prevent the spread of communism into northwest Africa and eventually Europe. This consideration, rather than the maintenance of a formal colonial position, guided Spanish action in Morocco from the middle of the World War II and throughout the decolonization era. Despite border conflicts further to the south, authoritarian Spain worked to support a strong independent Moroccan monarchy under Muhammad V and Hassan II, even when a revived Riffian movement presented Spain with the opportunity to restore a neocolonial foothold there.


2018 ◽  
pp. 239-248
Author(s):  
Paul Ramírez

At the end of the nineteenth century, doctors and scientists in Mexico helped the authoritarian government of Porfirio Díaz project an image of a modern nation to the world. Despite medicine’s professionalization, a dispute in downtown Mexico City in these years over whether the sacred spaces of a parish church might be used for vaccinations opens a window onto continued confusion over preventive medicine’s proper place and identity. In part, confusion was a result of the role of rural priests in disease management and medical practice; early vaccination campaigns only reinforced the overlapping of authority in the early Republic. Continued struggles to immunize the population against disease in the nineteenth century warn against the tendency to see medical empiricism as neatly opposed to religious agents, rituals, or administration in the modern period.


Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock

Since Peru’s independence in 1824, politics in the country have been turbulent. Repeatedly, democracy was attempted but not sustained. Between 1919 and 2000, no Peruvian political regime—either democratic or authoritarian—endured more than 12 years. Scholars agree that the primary reason for Peru’s history of political turbulence was the severity of its overlapping ethnic, class, and geographical cleavages. Peru’s renowned novelist Mario Vargas Llosa wrote that the country was “an artificial gathering of men from different languages, customs, and traditions whose only common denominator was having been condemned by history to live together without knowing or loving one another.” However, in the 21st century, cleavages have attenuated and the possibility of a cohesive nation emerged. Peru has been democratic for more than 18 years—longer than ever before. With one-person, one-vote elections, political violence has been rare and economic growth rapid. However, Peru’s economic growth has been based heavily on mining and other extractive industries, and it is not clear that cleavages have attenuated sufficiently for democracy to be consolidated. In addition, democracy is challenged by bitter legacies from the 1980s–1990s conflict with the Shining Path guerrillas and the 1990–2000 authoritarian government of Alberto Fujimori. Further, in 2017–2018, it was all too apparent that Peru’s political and economic elites remain complicit in corrupt global financial networks.


Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 8-10
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sigmund

It is not unlikely that within the next two years nearly every country in Latin America will be governed by an elected civilian regime. This might surprise most Americans, accustomed as we are to thinking about the region in terms of coup-prone military governments and repressive oligarchies. We are surprised too at the recent embrace of democracy in Latin America by the Reagan administration. Some of its leading representatives went about touting the virtues of authoritarian government; but the administration has found that it is good politics to promote democracy and free elections in Central America and the Caribbean— and politically impossible to resume aid to regimes with bad human rights records. In fact, “Project Democracy” is the latest buzzword of Reagan's Latin American policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 371-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joana Bárbara Fonseca

José Eduardo do Santos (JES), President of Angola, has been in charge since 1979, and is also the commander-in-chief of the FAA (Angola Armed Forces) and president of the MPLA, (the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, in charge of the country’s politics since 1975).Since 2011, inspired by the rise of the Arab Spring, some groups started group debates, trying to finding pacific ways to raise awareness to the authoritarian regime they were living. Consequently, the government dealt with them with extreme violence, using them as object-example of fear to whoever tried to oppose. In 2015, a group of 17 activists was arrested for reading a book in an open reunion, and accused of conspiring against JES’ government. One of the front men of this movement just spoke at the European Parliament in January 2017, though a month later he was suffering police violence again when joining a new manifestation in Luanda. In April 2017, a similar case happened to another group of activists, and the 7 remain in jail in poor health conditions.


1977 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Beetham

This article concludes a study tracing the role of élite theory in Michels' development from revolutionary socialist to Fascist ideologue. It argues, first that the laws of oligarchy and élite circulation as expounded by Mosca and Pareto made the Fascist seizure of power appear historically necessary. It then examines the contribution which the experience of Fascist rule made to the further development of élite theory in Michels' work; his use of the theory to give scientific status to the self-image of the Fascist élite and the charismatic claims of its leader; his legitimation of authoritarian government and nationalist policies through the theories of mass psychology. The conclusion argues that what distinguished Michels from other Fascist ideologues was his use of scientific categories, and locates the origin of these categories in the historical experience of pre-world war Europe.


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