The Dakota Sioux Experience at Flandreau and Pipestone Indian Schools

Author(s):  
Cynthia Leanne Landrum
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (9) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Dr. Shreeja Sharma ◽  
Prof. Shubhra Tripathi

The prime concern of every language teacher, and to some extent every linguist, is to device pedagogical methods and strategies which facilitate language acquisition. The concern of any teacher or applied linguist is, though not explicitly stated anywhere, to equip the learners with “correct” features of the language being learnt. Emphasis on “correctness” is due to the presumption that erroneous structures or deviations from linguistic code will lead to incomprehensibility and impediment in communication.As a result of such convictionsContrastive Analysis (CA) and Error Analysis (EA) focussed their attention on “correct” grammatical, lexical and syntactical features of Target Language (TL), in this case English.Both  Contrastive Analysts and Error Analysts analysed the language and tried to predict areas of ease or difficulty. This was often achieved with ‘some’ degree of success. However, in the present socio-educational milieu of Indian schools, where English language teaching is a significant stake, insights from CA and EA, particularly the latter, are either not taken into cognizance, or found inadequate. CA is taken into consideration, though obliquely, indirectly and cursorily, where English language is taught resorting to bilingualism. EA is usually ignored completely. Even when teachers correct students’ assignments and copies, they point out mistakes/errors, suggest corrections, but neither take into account why these mistakes/errors have occurred, nor how to prevent such cases in future. With the ever growing importance of English as a global language and a second language in India, no stakeholder in education can afford to undermine the significance of ELT.The time is therefore ripe to take a fresh look at Error Analysis (EA) and assess how it can be deployed as a powerful tool in school teaching.


Author(s):  
Malinda Maynor Lowery

As the lines between “white” and “colored” hardened in North Carolina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Indians participated in segregation and the institutionalization of race in an attempt to ensure two things: that whites would recognize their “Indianness” and that Indians would retain control of their own institutions. The creation of Indian schools became a main part of the fight for recognition. Indians recognized the game of race and addressed it by consistently trying to move it to an arena where they had power. Picking and choosing tribal names and pursuing federal and state recognition of those names became one way of dealing with this problem. Throughout the twentieth century, the name of the Robeson County Indians changed from “Croatan” to “Cherokee Indians of Robeson County” to “Siouan Indians of the Lumbee River”. The name changes frequently led to conflict within and outside the community. Supporters of Cherokee or Siouan names pursued different paths to recognition. Robeson County Indians had to navigate standards of authenticity set forth by the federal government, such as blood-quantum provisions. Even after some Indians were finally granted official recognition, they were often still denied their full benefits from the government.


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