Pernambuco's Political Elite and the Recife Law School

1981 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-313
Author(s):  
Craig Hendricks ◽  
Robert M. Levine

This study explores the convergent ground of two separate research projects: an analysis of the role of the state of Pernambuco in the Brazilian federation between 1889 and 1937, and a forthcoming study of the Recife Law School. The first part of this presentation will discuss the definition of the political elite, describe its composition, and examine the theme of continuity and change over the period of study. The second part will focus on the Law School per se, the principal vehicle for the training of the political elite.Pernambuco's political elite constitutes less a model for other Brazilian states than a phenomenon specific to Pernambuco's own historical role. This elite may be examined systematically, although only in the broadest sense. For one thing, its membership never remained static, but changed constantly according to the ebb and flow of political life. Relative power within an elite is not easily measurable; nor does there exist a single elite; rather, one observes a fluid set of power relationships, arrayed vertically according to levels of influence and authority, and horizontally from small urban interest nuclei through local elites to subgrous scattered across regional, economic, and social networks.

Classics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henriette van der Blom

The concept homo novus (literally “new man”) and its derivative novitas (“newness” or “the quality of being a new man”) were used by politicians and authors writing about political life in the late Roman republic (c. 133–131 bce). There is no ancient definition of the term, and modern scholars disagree on the precise meaning. However, ancient usage suggests that homo novus was a political term used to describe a politician from outside the senatorial elite in Rome, who was successfully elected to a political magistracy, especially the higher magistracies of praetor and consul. The existence of the term indicates an attempt to maintain exclusivity in the political elite of senatorial families and that this attempt was directed not at the lower classes but mainly at members of the equestrian class, who were their equals in socioeconomic terms. The term was used pejoratively by elite Roman politicians to scorn newcomers competing for the limited number of magistracies; in response some homines novi tried to present their background as advantageous: their lack of politically active ancestors made their own candidacy for office untainted by established networks and corruption. The term and its underlying political and social dynamics is crucial for understanding the rhetoric of the politician and author Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bce) in particular, but also the historical monographs of his near-contemporary Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86–c. 35 bce), and the works of biographers and historians writing about the late republic. Cicero is the largest exponent of the term, but his speeches suggests that other new men dipped into the rhetoric of novitas. Understanding the political and social dynamics behind this concept is also important for any study of late Roman republican politics and the major sociopolitical changes taking place during the civil war and triumviral period (c. 49–31 bce) and the early imperial period (c. 31 bce–100 ce).


Author(s):  
Ruslan M. Kliuchnyk ◽  

The article is devoted to the place and role of a Journalist in modern Politics. The main professional characteristics of a modern Journalist have been considered. It has been suggested that the requirements for Journalists will continue to grow in the future. A particular attention has been paid to Journalists who disagree with the political regime, whether democratic or not. Journalists covering political events cannot always stay indifferent to what they say and write about. The political events provoke their reaction. It is determined by the peculiarities of human perception as a subject of cognition of a certain kind of information. A striking example of the influence of an opposition Journalist on the political process is the phenomenon of the Wikileaks website and its creator, Julian Assange, Australian Journalist and Programmer. He started to publish the information compromising the political elite. Publication of information, compromising the political elite, has led to a rethinking of the role of a blogger in political life. In 2016, Wikileaks became an effective tool to discredit Hillary Clinton, the pro-government Democratic Party candidate in the US presidential elections. It was noted that Matthew Lee, Associated Press Journalist, is widely known for his point of view on the foreign policy of the USA (��� ��������� � ���������). He became famous for his use of trolling and provoking against officials by asking tough questions. This, in particular, made him a subject of political life. We have come to the conclusion that a journalist can become a prominent figure in national and international Politics. His participation in Politics is determined by his role in decision-making, as well as by his influence on the mass audience. As a result, journalists are exposed to attacks because of their professional activity. Democratic countries have issued regulations designed to protect journalists. In this article system and comparative approaches have been used. The documents in text and video formats facilitates our research. We have considered the papers of modern scientists regarding this problem. The article can be useful for professors, doctorates, lecturers, students and the wide range of people who are interested in political communication.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019/2 ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Darius Baronas

ANNOTATION. This article is the first attempt of the biographic research of Grand Duchess Uliana Algirdienė of Lithuania (d. 17/03/1392), based on the critical analysis of primary sources. It is also aimed at pointing out the reflection of the role of women in the pagan Lithuanian society. The research was carried out by means of the analytical and comparative method of historical source analysis with a view to separate as distinctly as possible the information derived from contemporary sources from the images imposed by later historiographic tradition. The article questions the stereotypes related to Uliana’s great political power in Lithuania’s political life that are well-established in modern historiography and present-day cultural memory. With this an attempt is made to draw attention to the problematic nature of information derived from historical sources as well as to more distinctly define the frames imposed by the political culture of pagan Lithuania which clearly marked the boundaries for the political activities of women representing the ruling dynasty. This article for the most part dwells on the issues related to the coverage of Algirdas and Uliana’s marriage and the period of their married life up to Algirdas’ death in 1377. KEYWORDS: Uliana, Algirdas, Simeon, Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Moscow, Tver, Rus’, women


2017 ◽  
pp. 126-169
Author(s):  
S.E. Tariverdieva

The article deals with the development of the coregency system of Augustus and Agrippa from 29 to 18 BC: from formal and actual disparity of the coregents to their formal equality with the dominance of the princeps auctoritas. Particular attention is paid to the earlier stages of this development and to the crisis of 23 BC. The coregency system created by Augustus is often regarded by modern historians as means of ensuring uninterrupted succession of power. Agrippa as his coregent often is thought to have assumed the role of the regent who temporally replaces the princeps, just as it was in formal monarchies, or that of the tutor of the future rulers. However, the Roman system of state administration did not allow such type of regency. The princeps coregent, who was his equal in formal credentials but his inferior in terms of auctoritas, in case of the princeps death had to become the next princeps as his immediate successor. It is unlikely that later he was expected to voluntarily give up his power in favour of younger heir and to vanish from the political life altogether. The inheritance system under Augustus was like a ladder with the princeps at the top, the coregent who was also the immediate successor one step below, heirs of the next degree further down. In case of death of one of them, successors shifted one step up. The coregency had one more function: geographically it allowed Augustus and Agrippa to rule jointly the empire while staying in different parts of it.В статье исследуется развитие системы соправления Августа и Агриппы с 29 по 12 гг. до н. э.: от формального и фактического неравенства соправителей до их формального равенства при преобладании auctoritas принцепса, причём особое внимание уделяется раннему этапу этого развития и кризису 23 г. до н. э. Институт соправления, созданный Августом, часто рассматривается, как средство обеспечения бесперебойного перехода власти, причем Агриппе, как соправителю, НЕРЕДКО отводится роль регента, временно замещающего принцепса или воспитателя будущих правителей. Однако римская система государственного управления не предполагала регентства. Соправитель принцепса, равный ему по формальным полномочиям, но уступавший по auctoritas, в случае его смерти должен был СТАТЬ следующим принцепсом, ближайшим его наследником. Вряд ли предполагалось, что в будущем он должен добровольно уступить власть более молодому наследнику и исчезнуть из политической жизни. Система наследования при Августе представляла собой нечто вроде лестницы, на вершине которой стоял принцепс, на следующей ступени соправитель, он же избранный преемник, ниже наследники следующей очереди в случае смерти когото из них происходило продвижение наследников по ступеням вверх. Кроме того, соправление имело и иное значение позволяло Августу и Агриппе совместно управлять империей, находясь в разных ее частях.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.


2021 ◽  
pp. 95-137
Author(s):  
Laurent Carnis

The bureaucratic organisations became key actors in our contemporary societies. To develop an appropriate theory to understand how these organisations work and their implications constitute true stakes. This article deals with Mises’ theory of bureaucracy, which differs radically from the traditional approaches. The first part presents the definition of the Misesian bureaucracy, which shares some common points with Wéber’s version and shows also true strong disagreements. The absence of economic calculation constitutes the main key idea to understand the Misesian theory. Mises shows also that bureaucracy reflects the governmental interventions, which can be combined with different types of political systems. The second part deals with the consequences of bureaucracy. This part proposes a detailed analysis of the economic, social, political and psychological effects. The third part raises some critical points for the theory. It seems that the conception of bureaucrat and its place inside the bureaucratic organisation is not sufficiently analysed. Moreover, the modelling of the bureaucratic expansion deserves a more refined research. Finally, the justifications given by Mises to justify a minimal bureaucracy emphasize the necessity to think the place and the role of the State. Keywords: Bureaucracy, economic calculation, market process, minimal government. JEL Classification: D73 H11 L38 P11 P21. Résumé: Compte tenu de place importante que prend désormais l’organisation étatique au sein des sociétés contemporaines, l’élaboration d’une théorie économique de la bureaucratie s’avère essentielle pour en comprendre à la fois les mécanismes de fonctionnement et les implications. Cet article revient sur la contribution de Mises, qui par ses travaux, permet d’offrir une réelle alternative aux approches traditionnelles.La première partie de cette contribution présente la théorie de Mises en soulignant ses spécificités par rapport à la conception défendue par Wéber, dont à la fois elle s’inspire et s’en écarte substantiellement. L’absence du calcul économique dans le processus d’allocation des ressources représente une dimension essentielle pour comprendre la théorie proposée. Mises démontre également que l’organisation bureaucratique s’accommode aisément des différents régimes politiques et reflète l’intervention généralisée de l’Etat. La deuxième partie concerne les conséquences de la bureaucratie. Mises distingue quatre effets: les effets économiques, sociaux, politiques et psychologiques. Chaque catégorie fait l’objet d’une présentation détaillée. La troisième partie soulève des points critiques du modèle de la bureaucratie de Mises. Ainsi, sa conception du bureaucrate et sa place au sein de l’organisation bureaucratique nous paraissent faire l’objet d’une élaboration insuffisante. Les mécanismes de l’expansion bureaucratique méritent également un raffinement de l’analyse, tandis que la justification avancée d’une bureaucratie minimale soulève la question de l’existence d’un Etat minimal. Mots clés: Bureaucratie, calcul économique, processus de marché, Etat minimal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Diana Shkuropadska

Research the tools for ensuring resilience of the financial corporations sector is relevant, given the fact that the development of the world economy is increasingly subject to the shock influences, to which financial crises are imposed. The aim of the article is to identify and justify macroeconomic tools according to the directions for ensuring resilience of the financial corporations sector. The theoretical-methodological base of the article is scientific works of scientists and reports of international organizationsfor directions and tools for ensuring resilience of the financial corporations sector and the economy in general. The general approaches and research methods have been used at preparing the article: theoretical generalization, analysis, synthesis and system method. The use of these methods allowed to consider approaches of leading international audit companies to understand the concept “resilience of the financial corporations”. On this basis, there was suggested the author's definition of the concept “resilience of the financial corporations sector” and defined it essential characteristics. It was explained, that the process of ensuring resilience of the financial corporations sector involves the implementation of macroeconomic tools in accordance with the following areas: the introduction of economic stimulus packages, attractive lending conditions, tax and investment benefits, promoting innovation, development of compensation mechanisms, international financial support. The important attention in the study was paid to the role of the state in the process of implementing macroeconomic tools for ensuring resilience of the financial corporations sector. Attention is focused on the fact, that under shock influences the state should implement macroeconomic tools in line with current problems in the development of the financial corporations sector. This in turn will ensure its profitability at a level sufficient for normal functioning.


1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Mowlam

CENTRAL TO THE STUDY OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS IS THE IDEA of popular control over the activities of elites. More specifically, how can the preferences of citizens be aggregated into a political choice for a government policy or government personnel? Popular control, the effects of citizen participation in political life, is the basis of a major value orientation in the discipline: the notion of participant democracy. The degree of citizen participation becomes the key to the nature of democracry in a society : the more participation, the more democratic the political life of a country becomes. Political participation may take a variety of forms, e.g., running for office, holding office,voting, soliciting votes, and campaigning for, or contributing funds to, I the party of one's choice. However, voting is the most emphasized aspect of citizen participation, since it is the only form of active participation many engage in. The limitations placed on voting as a mechanism for popular control over political choices are well documented. Voters do not choose when to vote, nor the agenda. They have minimal input into the selection of candidates and the choice of issues which divide the parties at elections. Public participation in the selection and resolution of important policy issues between elections is severely restricted.


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


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