Matías Romero and Congressional Opposition to Seward's Policy Toward the French Intervention in Mexico

1965 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Marvin Goldwert
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
External Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Monroe Doctrine ◽  
French Government ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Way

During the period of the French intervention in Mexico (1862-1867), the United States Secretary of State, William H. Seward, pursued a policy which historians have aptly termed “ cautious moderation ” and “ masterly inactivity.” Caught between the fear of French recognition of the Confederacy, or even a French-Confederate alliance, and outright war with France, Seward steered a middle course. The French government was informed that the United States disapproved of intervention in Mexico and that a monarchy established by external force held no promise of permanency. But this was done in such a way as to avoid the active antagonism of France toward a Union plagued by civil war. Although at no time was the Monroe doctrine invoked prior to 1865, these mild but consistent protests paved the way for a firmer policy toward France.

Henry Clay and the Poinsett Pledge Controversy of 1826

1972 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-440
Author(s):  
Randolph Campbell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Monroe Doctrine ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Initial Task ◽  
Practical Implications ◽  
American Nation

It is well known that the initial task of interpreting the Monroe Doctrine as a functional policy in international relations fell largely on John Quincy Adams. Somewhat ironically, the noncolonization principle in Monroe's famed Annual Message of 1823 for which Adams, then Secretary of State, was most responsible, received relatively little attention in the 1820's. Leaders in the United States and Spanish America alike were more concerned with the meaning of the other main principle involved in the Message—nonintervention. What were the practical implications of Monroe's warning that the United States would consider intervention by a European power in the affairs of any independent American nation “ as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States ” ? John Quincy Adams laid the groundwork for an answer to this question in July, 1824, when Colombia, alarmed by rumors of French interference in the wars for independence, sought a treaty of alliance. The President and Congress, Adams replied, would take the necessary action to support nonintervention if a crisis arose, but there would be no alliance. In fact, he added, it would be necessary for the United States to have an understanding with certain European powers whose principles and interests also supported nonintervention before any action could be taken or any alliance completed to uphold it. The position taken by the Secretary of State cooled enthusiasm for the Monroe Doctrine, but Spanish American leaders did not accept this rebuff in 1824 as final.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 171-182
Author(s):  
Montse Feu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transnational Ties ◽  
The Way

Fighting Fascist Spain connects some of the major figures of the Spanish Civil War exile with lesser-known actors, making their contributions more visible. While fascism ruled in Spain, España Libre’s authors cultivated a rich set of tools that interrogated the way fascist power operates. The underlying premise of this work is that the Confederadas’ antifascist solidarity was rooted in a cultural realm shaped by a complex web of political and cultural heritages that Spanish immigrants brought with them and were further reinforced by allies in the United States, which in turn built local and transnational antifascist communities. There are interlocking aspects that define España Libre’s cultural and political identity: its self-educated workers, its anarchist adaptability to exile, its transnational ties, its organized solidarity, and its transformative culture and humor.

American Civil War Precedents: Their Nature, Application, and Extension

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Morrissey McDiarmid
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Civil War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Secretary Of State

When the present European war broke out and neutral rights came into the foreground of America’s anxieties, the President advised the public to study the conduct of the United States during the Civil War. That desperate struggle is inevitably the American touchstone for belligerent rights because, as Secretary of State Seward pointed out in 1863.It is… obvious that any belligerent claim which we make during the existing war, will be urged against us as an unanswerable precedent when [we] may ourselves be at peace.

Blaine, Garfield and Latin America: A New Look

1979 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-89
Author(s):  
Allan Peskin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
New Look

IF, as has been suggested, a country without a foreign policy is a happy country, then the United States must have reached the peak of its felicity between the Civil War and the turn of the century. Of all the Secretaries of State in that otherwise obscure progression from William Seward to John Hay only one has managed to escape oblivion and capture the imagination of diplomatic historians. That exception is James G. Blaine. Secretary of State on two separate occasions and under three different presidents, Blaine brought to his office not only his personal dynamism but also an apparently well thought-out conception of foreign affairs. Unlike his contemporaries, who seemed content merely to react to events, Blaine appeared to have a policy. The genesis of that policy has been a source of controversy ever since.

Neutrality during the European Wars of 1792-1815: America's Understanding of Her Obligations

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles S. Hyneman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Thomas Jefferson ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Neutral State ◽  
French Government ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

The year 1792 marks the beginning of the long European struggle which started as the French Revolution and culminated in the Napoleonic Wars. The first notice that a state of war existed reached the Government of the United States August 2, 1792, when the French Minister at Philadelphia, M. Jean Temant, informed Thomas Jefferson, the American Secretary of State, that the French Government had declared war against Hungary and Bohemia. The Secretary of State, in reply to this notice, assured the French Minister that the United States would remain friendly to France “and render all those good offices which shall be consistent with the duties of a neutral nation.” This expression of Mr. Jefferson seems to be the only direct acknowledgement by President Washington or his Cabinet that the United States had been placed in the position of a neutral state.

Menelaah Lebih Dekat “Post Factual/Post Truth Politics, Studi Kasus Brexit” (Analsis Resensi Media)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Way

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media

Canada and the United States: The Civil War Years

1961 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 704
Author(s):  
D. M. L. Farr ◽  
Robin W. Winks
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States

Diálogos militares by Diego García de Palacio: The first American work on the law of nations

1992 ◽  
Vol 32 (290) ◽  
pp. 446-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Valencia Villa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Law Of Nations ◽  
Simon Bolivar ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

Over the years the Americas have made significant contributions to the development of international humanitarian law. These include three nineteenth-century texts which constitute the earliest modern foundations of the law of armed conflict. The first is a treaty, signed on 26 November 1820 by the liberator Simón Bolívar and the peacemaker Pablo Morillo, which applied the rules of international conflict to a civil war. The second is a Spanish-American work entitled Principios de Derecho de Genres (Principles of the Law of Nations), which was published in 1832 by Andrés Bello. This work dealt systematically with the various aspects and consequences of war. The third is a legal instrument, signed on 24 April 1863 by United States President Abraham Lincoln, which codified the first body of law on internal conflict under the heading “Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field” (General Orders No. 100). This instrument, known as the Lieber Code, was adopted as the new code of conduct for the armies of the Union during the American Civil War.

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