The Architecture of Spanish St. Augustine

1961 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles W. Arnade
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
French And Indian War ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Florida History ◽  
Spanish Florida ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Indian War ◽  
Basic Link ◽  
American Union

Although Florida was in the hands of the Spaniards for over three centuries there are hardly any remains of Spanish buildings. Original Spanish architecture has vanished from Florida; a basic link to Florida's fascinating history has been destroyed. Florida was in the hands of the Spanish from its discovery in 1513 until 1763, when Spain gave the province to England at the end of the Seven Years' War, known in America as the French and Indian War. Spain regained Florida in 1783 at the time of the Treaty of Paris which terminated the American War of Independence. The period from 1783 to 1821 is called in Florida history the second Spanish period and gave way to the American territorial period when Florida became part of the American union. The second Spanish period is quite distinct from the first Spanish period of Florida history (1513-1763). While the first period represents true Spanish Florida, the second era is more of an afterthought. Many foreigners, mostly English and United States citizens, were residing in Florida. It hardly can be called a Spanish Florida per se. Architectural remains from this pseudo-Spanish period are extremely scarce. The best preserved piece is the Catholic cathedral at St. Augustine, parts of which date back to the second Spanish period. But this church fares poorly if put next to the magnificent old cathedrals in Spanish America.

Rewriting the Captivity Narrative for Contemporary Children: Speare, Bruchac, and the French and Indian War

2011 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 318-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara L. Schwebel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
Captivity Narratives ◽  
French And Indian War ◽  
Captivity Narrative ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Indian War ◽  
War Stories

Juxtaposing the French and Indian War stories of Elizabeth George Speare, a mid-twentieth- century Anglo-American children's author, against those of Joseph Bruchac, a twenty-first- century Abenaki children's author, reveals how flexible and powerful captivity narratives have been in shaping arguments about gender, nationhood, citizenship, and land in the postwar United States.

scholarly journals The Background of American Federalism

1918 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew C. McLaughlin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Difficulty ◽  
United States Constitution ◽  
Careful Study ◽  
French And Indian War ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Federal Organization ◽  
Indian War ◽  
American Federalism

The purpose of this paper is to make plain two facts: first, that the essential qualities of American federal organization were largely the product of the practices of the old British empire as it existed before 1764; second, that the discussions of the generation from the French and Indian war to the adoption of the federal Constitution, and, more particularly, the discussions in the ten or twelve years before independence, were over the problem of imperial organization. The center of this problem was the difficulty of recognizing federalism; and, though there was great difficulty in grasping the principle, the idea of federalism went over from the old empire, through discussion into the Constitution of the United States. By federalism is meant, of course, that system of political order in which powers of government are separated and distinguished and in which these powers are distributed among governments, each government having its quota of authority and each its distinct sphere of activity.We all remember very well that, until about thirty years ago, it was common to think of the United States Constitution as if it were “stricken off in a given time by the brain and purpose of man.” About that time there began a careful study of the background of constitutional provisions and especially of the specific make-up of the institutions provided for by the instrument.

Henry Clay and the Poinsett Pledge Controversy of 1826

1972 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-440
Author(s):  
Randolph Campbell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Monroe Doctrine ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Initial Task ◽  
Practical Implications ◽  
American Nation

It is well known that the initial task of interpreting the Monroe Doctrine as a functional policy in international relations fell largely on John Quincy Adams. Somewhat ironically, the noncolonization principle in Monroe's famed Annual Message of 1823 for which Adams, then Secretary of State, was most responsible, received relatively little attention in the 1820's. Leaders in the United States and Spanish America alike were more concerned with the meaning of the other main principle involved in the Message—nonintervention. What were the practical implications of Monroe's warning that the United States would consider intervention by a European power in the affairs of any independent American nation “ as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States ” ? John Quincy Adams laid the groundwork for an answer to this question in July, 1824, when Colombia, alarmed by rumors of French interference in the wars for independence, sought a treaty of alliance. The President and Congress, Adams replied, would take the necessary action to support nonintervention if a crisis arose, but there would be no alliance. In fact, he added, it would be necessary for the United States to have an understanding with certain European powers whose principles and interests also supported nonintervention before any action could be taken or any alliance completed to uphold it. The position taken by the Secretary of State cooled enthusiasm for the Monroe Doctrine, but Spanish American leaders did not accept this rebuff in 1824 as final.

“A Stalwart Motor of Revolutions”: An American Merchant in Pernambuco, 1817-1825

2008 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin A. Fitz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Thomas Jefferson ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
New Order ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Old World ◽  
Republican Government

A new order for the New World was unfolding in the early nineteenth century, or so many in the United States believed. Between 1808 and 1825, all of Portuguese America and nearly all of Spanish America broke away from Europe, casting off Old World monarchs and inaugurating home-grown governments instead. People throughout the United States looked on with excitement, as the new order seemed at once to vindicate their own revolution as well as offer new possibilities for future progress. Free from obsolete European alliances, they hoped, the entire hemisphere could now rally together around republican government and commercial reciprocity. Statesmen and politicians were no exception, as men from Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe to John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay tried to exclude European influence from the hemisphere while securing new markets for American manufactures and agricultural surplus.

scholarly journals McDonald's — Much Maligned, But an Engine of Economic Development

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian E. Tschoegl
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Fast Food ◽  
Food Industry ◽  
The United States ◽  
External Effects ◽  
Fast Food Industry ◽  
The Us ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Backward Linkages

Critics have excoriated the US fast-food industry in general, and McDonald's most particularly, both per se and as a symbol of the United States. However, examining McDonald's internationalization and development abroad suggests that McDonald's and the others of its ilk are sources of development for mid-range countries. McDonald's brings training in management, encourages entrepreneurship directly through franchises and indirectly through demonstration effects, creates backward linkages that develop local suppliers, fosters exports by their suppliers, and has positive external effects on productivity and standards of service, cleanliness, and quality in the host economies.

Political Causes

1960 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles W. Arnade
Keyword(s):  
Spanish America ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
War Of Independence

It is not easy to distinguish between cultural, economic and political causes of the War of Independence in Spanish America and separate them into three closed compartments. Then there are psychological obstacles. There is a feeling among many Latin Americanists that this topic is exhausted and further research will add nothing new. Others want a complete revision of the usual causes cited and demand more documentary study. They believe that the standard causes are based on too scanty research, mostly done in the last century from incomplete sources. Furthermore, there are the rising nationalists and indigenistas of our century, most of them poor historians, who insist that the role of the Indians and mestizos was much more important than historians have accepted. They consider past historians racially and economically prejudiced. Such a trend is especially strong in Mexico, Bolivia, and Cuba, the three countries that have faced a real social revolution. And, unfortunately, history often follows the flag.

scholarly journals When Interbranch Norms Break Down: Of Arms-for-Hostages, "Orderly Shutdowns, "Presidential Impeachments, and Judicial Coups

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Government ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
National System ◽  
Effective Operation ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Per Se ◽  
The Government

The orderly and effective operation of our national system of government was intended to depend to an exceptional degree upon certain norms of cooperation among its competing branches. The strength of those norms is essential to securing the primary political asset that our government design was intended to help realize: an especially robust form of democratic legitimacy. From this standpoint, it is constitutionally worrisome that norms critical to inter-branch cooperation are coming under heedless assault. To illustrate the problem, this article revisits four critical episodes that have involved destabilizing and antidemocratic initiatives, each undertaken by a branch of the national government while in the control of the current, very conservative generation of Republican party leadership: the Iran-Contra affair, the government shutdown of 1995, the impeachment of President Clinton, and the Senate stonewalling of President Clinton's judicial nominations. The repeated willingness of the Republican Party's most conservative elements to engage in such initiatives is not rooted in political conservatism per se. It reflects rather the narrowing social and ideological base of the Republican Party, and is consistent with a contempt for democratic pluralism that characterizes the constitutional outlook of leading Republican legal theorists. Unless matters are improved, the United States may otherwise be headed towards a new political equilibrium that does considerable violence to America's modern practice of democratic legitimacy.

scholarly journals Russian diplomacy and the liberal Russian press on the events of the Ten-Year War of Independence (1868-1878)

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-85
Author(s):  
Ivkina Liudmila ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Objective Information ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
Liberation Struggle

The article examines Russia's position on the War of Independence in Cuba (1868-1878), which marked the beginning of a long process of national liberation. The tone of the reports of Russian diplomats from Spain and the United States was determined by the policy of neutrality and non-interference typical of Russia's foreign policy towards Spain after Аlexander II's accession to the Russian throne in 1855. Events of the liberation struggle of the Cuban people, methods and forms of liberation movement, the policy of the United States and Spain in relation to the war of independence in Cuba received coverage in the liberal Russian press, such publications as "World Illustration", "The Case", "The Herald of Europe". Articles and notes contained objective information about the events taking place in Cuba, expressed feelings of solidarity and support for the Cuban people, condemned the policy of Spain, which sought by any means to suppress the revolutionary process, criticized the Cuban policy of the United States, persecuted their vested economic interests and not interested in the independence of Cu-ba.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document