Reflections on Citizen Participation and the Economic Opportunity Act

1972 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Boone
2014 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha J. Bailey ◽  
Nicolas J. Duquette

This article presents a quantitative analysis of the geographic distribution of spending through the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act (EOA). Using newly assembled state- and county-level data, the results show that the Johnson administration directed funding in ways consistent with the War on Poverty's rhetoric of fighting poverty and racial discrimination: poorer areas and those with a greater share of nonwhite residents received systematically more funding. In contrast to New Deal spending, political variables explain very little of the variation in EOA funding. The smaller role of politics may help explain the strong backlash against the War on Poverty's programs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 382-405
Author(s):  
Mark McLay

Abstract:During 1966, the Republican Party launched a largely successful challenge to Lyndon Johnson’s “War on Poverty.” Republican candidates pursued an anti–War on Poverty midterm strategy, which made antipoverty programs the symbol of Great Society liberalism, rather than its more popular programs, such as Medicare or the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Moreover, in Congress and on the campaign trail, Republicans offered well-crafted alternatives—such as their “Opportunity Crusade”—to offset charges of negativism and elitism that had dogged the Grand Old Party (GOP) since the creation of the New Deal in the 1930s. Significantly, while the War on Poverty survived the year, the Republican minority was unexpectedly successful in making important changes to the Economic Opportunity Act during the antipoverty legislation’s renewal. Overall, the Republican challenge to the War on Poverty in 1966, boded ill for the program’s longevity when the GOP finally secured the levers of power.


Author(s):  
Karen M. Hawkins

This chapter discusses the founding of Craven Operation Progress (COP) and the broad and enthusiastic support it received from the North Carolina Fund, its first funding agency. When President Lyndon Johnson signed the Economic Opportunity Act in August 1964 critical antipoverty plans and programs for Craven County and nearby counties had been under way for more than half a year. These included a strawberry marketing program, a rural environmental sanitation program, adult basic education classes, and manpower training. From the very beginning, plans and incentives to combat the causes of poverty in Eastern North Carolina did not await direction or guidance from the federal government but grew instead out of local needs and circumstances.


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Spicer

In industrialized societies no less than in feudal landlord societies there are extreme differences in wealth. There has been no clear trend toward leveling the extremes in those Western industrialized societies in which the private sector of the economy has maintained an important controlling role. Extreme poverty is clearly a persistent accompaniment of industrialization in such societies. The current great concern in the United States with this phenomenon, in the sense of its being conceived as a problem condition to be changed, may or may not be indicative that change is incipient. Fundamental change would of course involve new ideological orientations and new social structure - in short, a different kind of social system. Symptoms of such change are perhaps to be seen in the new orientations embodied in the Economic Opportunity Act and in what has been labeled civil disorder. The legislation proposes new forms of social structure for linking people in poverty areas directly with the national political organization. Civil disorder, too, may be symptomatic of new forms of internal social organization stimulated both by the new legislation and by other conditions.


1977 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 202-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail L. Ensher ◽  
Burton Blatt ◽  
James F. Winschel

The 1972 Amendments to the Economic Opportunity Act mandated that not less than 10% of the Head Start enrollment nationwide be made available to handicapped children. This article reports research evaluating the effect of the mandate during the first year of its implementation. The findings indicate reasonable progress in meeting the needs of the handicapped; however, labeling appears to have increased and serious problems remain in accommodating youngsters with severe disabilities. Recommendations for the enhancement of Head Start efforts on behalf of the handicapped are including a suggestion for reducing society's inclination to segregate or exclude children with major differences in development.


1995 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
James F. Findlay

One of the most innovative provisions of the Economic Opportunity Act, passed by Congress in August 1964 as the heart of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty, was funding for a preschool program for the youngest of America's poor, known as Head Start. Many children were qualified for Head Start in Mississippi, the poorest state in the nation. This was especially so in the northwest quadrant of that state. The area, known locally as “the Delta,” was dominated by the floodplain of the lower Mississippi River, a largely rural, cotton-based economy, and tens of thousands of desperately poor, largely black, farm workers.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Davies

In 1964 President Lyndon Johnson, professing himself alarmed by the seemingly “endless growth of relief rolls,” declared “war” on poverty. Walter Heller, his chief economic adviser, had recently remarked that it would be quite possible to eliminate the symptoms of poverty by simply redistributing two percent of the national income. Johnson, however, preferred to attack thesourcesof deprivation, claiming that the range of rehabilitative services provided by his Economic Opportunity Act would allow the poor to engineer their own paths to affluence.


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