ΛΗΚΥΘΙΟΝ and ΑΥΤΟΛΗΚΥΘΟΣ

1982 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 234-234
Author(s):  
Martin Robertson

I read with pleasure Graham Anderson's learned and amusing note, but am unconvinced. One might question his methodology, in that he does not really go into the question of what shape or shapes the words mean at what times; and illustrates ‘an aryballos’ without indicating its date or place of origin (it turns out to be redrawn from an engraving after an archaic Etruscan tomb-painting). However, these are not, I think, points of substance. λήκυθος and ληκύθιον seem to have been loosely used over a long time and wide area for any form of portable oil-flask; and there is evidence for round aryballoi in fifth- and fourth-century Athens. Also the expressions may have long been in common use, though for us they only surface in Aristophanes and Demosthenes. I cannot, though, myself see any force in Henderson's view that the standard shapes of lekythia do not resemble male genitals; not in detail, certainly, but the white lekythos, the lekythos par excellence in Aristophanes' Athens, is surely phallic enough. If one dreamed of one, Freud would be in no doubt what it meant.

Author(s):  
Robert Wiśniewski

Christians always admired and venerated martyrs who died for their faith, but for a long time thought that the bodies of martyrs should remain undisturbed in their graves. Initially, the Christian attitude toward the bones of the dead, whether a saint’s or not, was that of respectful distance. This book tells how, in the mid-fourth century, this attitude started to change, swiftly and dramatically. The first chapters show the rise of new beliefs. They study how, when, and why Christians began to believe in the power of relics, first, over demons, then over physical diseases and enemies; how they sought to reveal hidden knowledge at the tombs of saints and why they buried the dead close to them. An essential element of this new belief was a strong conviction that the power of relics was transferred in a physical way and so subsequent chapters study relics as material objects. The book seeks to show what the contact with relics looked like and how close it was. Did people touch, kiss, or look at the very bones, or just at reliquaries which contained them? When did the custom of dividing relics appear? Finally, the book deals with discussions and polemics concerning relics and tries to find out how strong was the opposition which this new phenomenon had to face, both within and outside Christianity on the way to relics becoming an essential element of medieval religiosity.


1927 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry A. Sanders

Papyrus 1571 of the Michigan Collection was bought in Cairo in 1924 in a large purchase, which was allotted to the contributing institutions by Mr. H. I. Bell of the British Museum. Many documents in the Michigan part of the purchase came from the Fayûm, but no further evidence is obtainable regarding the place of origin of this fragment. It came to us in three pieces, of which one was only partly unfolded and all were so dirty as to be rather illegible, but the papyrus was already designated as a portion of Acts and dated in the fourth century.


homosexuality are however complex, and the reader interested in pursuing the issue further will find an admirable discussion in K.J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (London 1978). CASE VI: DEMOSTHENES 54 – AGAINST KONON FOR BATTERY We have here a private action for battery (aikeias dike). A young man named Ariston claims to have been the victim of an unprovoked attack by a middle-aged man named Konon. Although he has brought a private case, Ariston notes that he could have brought a public action for outrage (graphe hybreos). The nature of these actions is discussed in the brief essay at the end of the speech. Both plaintiff and defendant appear to be people of substance, to judge by both the reference to public services (leitourgiai) at the close and the fact that Konon’s associates (§7) include Spintharos, whose father Euboulos was one of the most successful politicians in fourth-century Athens. The date of the action can be fixed by the reference in §3 to garrison duty at Panakton two years before the trial. Demosthenes speaks at 19.326 of an expedition to Panakton in 343, and tells us that during the Sacred War (355–346) no such expedition had been necessary. It is far from clear that the expedition mentioned in Dem. 19 and the guard duty mentioned here are the same kind of operation; nor can we exclude the possibility that Demosthenes is exaggerating. But the evidence such as it is would suggest a date of 357 or 343 for the incidents narrated and 355 or 341 for the hearing. It is difficult to choose with confidence. The association of Konon with the son of Euboulos, whose faction Demosthenes was attacking by the late 350s on the ground of its failure to check the rising power of Macedon, suggests that Demosthenes may have accepted the case from political motives. Unfortunately, even if true, this conjecture does not help for dating, since Demosthenes was still struggling (though more successfully) with this faction in the late 340s. However, since by 341 Demosthenes was one of the leading political figures, he is less likely to have needed, or to have been free, to take on a speechwriting brief. So a date in the 350s seems marginally more likely. [1] I was outrageously assaulted by this Konon, judges, and placed in such a serious condition that for a long time neither my family nor any of the doctors

2002 ◽  
pp. 92-92

2013 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christelle Fischer-Bovet

The role and status of the Egyptians in the army of Hellenistic Egypt (323–30b.c.) has been a debated question that goes back to the position within Late Period Egyptian society (664–332b.c.) of the Egyptian warriors described by Herodotus asmachimoi. Until a few decades ago, Ptolemaic military institutions were perceived as truly Greco-Macedonian and the presence of Egyptians in the army during the first century of Ptolemaic rule was contested. The Egyptians were thought of as being unfit to be good soldiers. Egyptians would have been hired only as late as 217b.c.to fight against the Seleucid king Antiochus III in Raphia. The Ptolemaic victory (in fact rather a status quo) was made possible thanks to the addition of twenty thousand Egyptians to reinforce the Greek army. For a long time the subsequent role of Egyptians in the Ptolemaic army in the second and first centuriesb.c.did not attract much attention. One usually assumed that they were ‘second-rate soldiers’ calledmachimoi. In recent decades, the scholarship on Ptolemaic Egypt, notably Demotic studies, reasserted the role of Egyptians in the Ptolemaic army from the late fourth century onwards.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jun Zhao ◽  
Guobiao LI ◽  
Paul A. Selden

Waptia-like euarthropods existed for rather a long time in the Early Cambrian of eastern Yunnan; well preserved representatives come mainly from three Burgess Shale-type biotas: Chengjiang, Xiaoshiba and Guanshan. Here, we introduce a newly-discovered bivalved euarthropod from the Guanshan biota, the specific identity of which cannot be confirmed due to the absence of soft parts and poor preservation of the specimen, but its general morphology allows it be attributed to Waptia. Two representatives from the Chengjiang and Xiaoshiba biotas are also reconsidered: the preservation mode and length of specimens of Clypecaris pteroidea are variable; Clypecaris serrate has limbs beneath the carapace, which can number up to at least 4 pairs. The fossil sections bearing Waptia-like euarthropods occur over a wide area around Dianchi Lake.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Treadwell

This paper asks why early Muslims selected certain Qur'anic passages for inclusion in the legends of their coins. Coinage provides a form of historical documentation which is well suited to the study of the public reception of Qur'anic material because most Islamic coins were dated (either relatively or absolutely) and their place of origin known. This preliminary study begins with the earliest Islamic coinage, concentrating on the epigraphic coinage produced by ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān's monetary reforms and the coinage of the ʿAlid pretenders to the caliphate in the ʿAbbāsid period. It discusses the anxieties expressed by some scholars about the exposure of Qur'anic text on coins to contact with persons in a state of ritual impurity. It examines the relationship of the cited texts to their Qur'anic background, proposing an inclusive reading which takes account of the textual, moral and political contexts in which these numismatic legends were used.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 173-187
Author(s):  
Ana María Rosso

Modern toxicology focuses on studying adverse effects of poisons and chemical exposures but understanding the toxicity and risks developing antidotes and counter-poisons has taken science a long time. The lack of a proper theory in antiquity to treat poisoned patients didn’t allow for the improvement in diagnosis and treatment. However, in Papyrus Brooklyn 47.2180 dated to the fourth century bc, ancient Egyptians classified local snakes, poisonous symptoms, diagnosis, and simple treatments with drugs and magical incantations, ignoring the effectiveness of remedies and their potential side effects. To solve the problem and protect themselves, people first tried to observe animal behavior and the reactions to different substances ingested. Ancient medicine found certain alexipharmic therapy or antidotes to reverse lethal intoxication based on two axioms: similia similibus, studying the tolerance of a poison and the dose, as with the modern theory of immunity, and contraria contraris, using substances with contrary properties, as in the case of antibiotics. This allowed the development of pharmacology, because “For the Egyptians, poisons are substances that may be offset by antidotes or substances with opposite properties.” An extremely common food, the Egyptian species of onion Allium cepa L., seemed to be the preferred alexipharmic to repel snake venom. Its characteristic smell comes from a volatile and fragrant sulphide gas and, through recent chemical research, scientists have reported its antibiotic properties, since it contains allium, transformed in allicin, the key ingredient responsible for its broad-spectrum and anti-bacterial activity. Useful for all kinds of treatment in the Egyptian pharmacopoeia, its defensive power also became known abroad.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Hackl ◽  
Joachim Oelsner

Abstract It is by now well established that authors and copyists of scholarly works also drafted legal documents, if only occasionally. This article examines newly available prosopographical information concerning the scribal activities of the Sîn-lēqi-unnīnī during the mid to late fourth century BCE. It offers new datings of learned texts that have been known to academic circles for a long time and argues that the extant archival texts from Early Hellenistic Uruk mainly belonged to the archives of the Aḫûtu and Ekur-zakir families. In addition, it presents cases of transference of linguistic items peculiar to one or the other genre, giving rise to some general remarks on cross-genre imprints.


Author(s):  
Taco Terpstra

This chapter explores the changing world of the fourth century CE, a time of social ferment heightened by the Roman emperors' adoption of Christianity as a religion of state. Although this shift followed a turn toward forced religious centralization initiated by the emperors during the crisis of the third century, the choice for Christianity represented a momentous departure from Roman tradition. The intolerance and violence it engendered upset the equilibrium of Mediterranean diaspora trade, producing an institutional shock. Indeed, religion played a prominent role in how diaspora groups operated. Through the worship of their native gods, group members remained distinct from their hosts and connected to their place of origin, both necessary ingredients for successful intercommunity trade. Equally important, acts of religious devotion signaled commitment and loyalty to the group, encouraged collective action against defectors, and fostered economic trust and collaborative behavior. However, this complex system of socioeconomic interaction came under pressure when emperors began legislating against pagan cults.


2008 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduard Verhoef

It has been known for a long time that the history of Christianity has seen the incorporation of syncretistic elements. This is not at all exceptional. On the contrary, in order to grow, any religion necessarily fits in with the existing frame of reference. It is hardly surprising then, that elements of Hellenistic hero worship were adopted in the veneration of the Christian martyrs. Over a century ago, E Lucius presented several examples of such phenomena in his book, Die Anfänge des Heiligenkults in der christlichen Kirche (1904), arguing that Christian churches adopted several rituals and ideas from older pagan cults. Indeed, excavations in Philippi have revealed a connection in the first decades of the fourth century between the Christian cult and the cult of a certain Euephenes, son of Exekestos. He was probably an initiate into the mystery cult of the Kabeiroi. This can only mean that in Philippi as elsewhere syncretistic elements must have crept in. In the beginning of the fourth century the Basilica of Paul was added onto the Hellenistic shrine, so that the buildings shared one wall. In the first half of the fifth century this Basilica was replaced by the bigger Octagon. A baptistery was constructed, and the Hellenistic heroon was incorporated into these buildings. Around this time the cult of the Hellenistic hero Euephenes was supplanted by the veneration of the Christian hero par excellence, the apostle Paul.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document