Early Greek Ships of Two Levels

1958 ◽  
Vol 78 ◽  
pp. 121-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. T. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Eighth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Greek Literature ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
Early Date ◽  
The Third ◽  
Previous Sentence ◽  
Point Of Departure

As the point of departure I take that controversial passage in Thucydides i. 13.2—Now the controversy turns on the type of ship that Ameinocles built. Thucydides uses the general word ναῦς, which in Herodotus certainly and, according to Liddell and Scott, in Greek literature generally does seem to be a synonym for τριέρεις, and after Thucydides' use of the word τριήρεις in the previous sentence it would be natural to take ναῦς in the same sense. The Corinthians built the first triremes in Greece and Ameinocles built four of them for the Samians at the end of the eighth century, and there would be at least a reliable terminus ante quem for the introduction of the trireme into Greece. Here the matter would have rested, had not this date conflicted not only with the other literary records, including Thucydides himself, but also with the archaeological evidence, such as it is, which both seem to preclude such an early date.The marshalling of the literary evidence against the supposition that triremes were built in Greece at the end of the eighth century has been admirably done by Professor Davison in the Classical Quarterly of 1947. He rightly comes to the conclusion that triremes could not have been introduced into Greece before the third quarter of the sixth century, and that in the disputed passage Thucydides was using ναῦς of ships generally and refraining from specifying the class; but in this case how flat the second part of the sentence sounds—the Corinthians were the first in Greece to use triremes, and Ameinocles the Corinthian built four ships of some sort or other for the Samians—nor does it seem to warrant the luxury of a precise date; and why four ships?

scholarly journals Hiketeia

1973 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 74-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gould
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Dead Body ◽  
Greek Literature ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
Working Out

To Professor E. R. Dodds, through his edition of Euripides'Bacchaeand again inThe Greeks and the Irrational, we owe an awareness of new possibilities in our understanding of Greek literature and of the world that produced it. No small part of that awareness was due to Professor Dodds' masterly and tactful use of comparative ethnographic material to throw light on the relation between literature and social institutions in ancient Greece. It is in the hope that something of my own debt to him may be conveyed that this paper is offered here, equally in gratitude, admiration and affection.The working out of the anger of Achilles in theIliadbegins with a great scene of divine supplication in which Thetis prevails upon Zeus to change the course of things before Troy in order to restore honour to Achilles; it ends with another, human act in which Priam supplicates Achilles to abandon his vengeful treatment of the dead body of Hector and restore it for a ransom. The first half of theOdysseyhinges about another supplication scene of crucial significance, Odysseus' supplication of Arete and Alkinoos on Scherie. Aeschylus and Euripides both wrote plays called simplySuppliants, and two cases of a breach of the rights of suppliants, the cases of the coup of Kylon and that of Pausanias, the one dating from the mid-sixth century, the other from around 470 B.C. or soon after, played a dominant role in the diplomatic propaganda of the Spartans and Athenians on the eve of the Peloponnesian War.

Aspects of the Vocabulary of Chariton of Aphrodisias

1991 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 484-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Consuelo Ruiz-Montero
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Linguistic Data ◽  
The Third

There has been little research on the vocabulary of the Greek novelists. Gasda studied that of Chariton in the last century. He compared some of his terms with those of other authors and he concluded he should be placed in the sixth century A.D. Then Schmid considered that Chariton's language was not Atticist, and dated his novel in the second century or beginning of the third. In 1973 Chariton's language was studied by Papanikolaou. His research dealt above all with several syntactic aspects and the use of some vocabulary, which led him to conclude that this language was closer to the koiné than that of the other novelists. But Papanikolaou went further in his conclusions: finding no trace of Atticism in Chariton, he considered him a pre-Atticist writer and, using extra-linguistic data, such as the citing of the Seres, the Chinese (6.4.2), placed him in the second half of the first century B.C. This chronology has been accepted by some, but already Giangrande has observed that this lack of Atticisms could have been intentional, in which case that date would be questionable.

scholarly journals Entangled Stories: The Red Jews in Premodern Yiddish and German Apocalyptic Lore

AJS Review ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-41
Author(s):  
Rebekka Voß
Keyword(s):  
Jewish People ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Yiddish Literature ◽  
The Third ◽  
Northern Kingdom ◽  
Initial Appearance ◽  
Over Time

“Far, far away from our areas, somewhere beyond the Mountains of Darkness, on the other side of the Sambatyon River…there lives a nation known as the Red Jews.” The Red Jews are best known from classic Yiddish writing, most notably from Mendele'sKitser masoes Binyomin hashlishi(The Brief Travels of Benjamin the Third). This novel, first published in 1878, represents the initial appearance of the Red Jews in modern Yiddish literature. This comical travelogue describes the adventures of Benjamin, who sets off in search of the legendary Red Jews. But who are these Red Jews or, in Yiddish,di royte yidelekh? The term denotes the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, the ten tribes that in biblical times had composed the Northern Kingdom of Israel until they were exiled by the Assyrians in the eighth century BCE. Over time, the myth of their return emerged, and they were said to live in an uncharted location beyond the mysterious Sambatyon River, where they would remain until the Messiah's arrival at the end of time, when they would rejoin the rest of the Jewish people.

The Pervigilivm Veneris and the Tiberiani Amnis in Quatrains

1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 173-185
Author(s):  
J. A. Fort
Keyword(s):  
Eighth Century ◽  
Loeb Classical Library ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century

As is well known, this poem, which stood in the Anthologia Latina, is preserved in two MSS. only, the Salmasian (or S) and the Pithoean (or T), Nos. 10318 and 8071 in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris; ‘the handwriting dates’ the former ‘as written at the end of the seventh or the beginning of the eighth century; the other…is about two hundred years later in date. Modern scholars regard both MSS. as traceable to a common archetype, probably of the sixth century’ (Professor Mackail in Catullus and P.V., Loeb Classical Library). At first sight these MSS. seem quite untrust-worthy, for they differ from each other in more than one hundred words, while the scribe of S copied the refrain incorrectly twice, the scribe of T twice as often. Strangely enough, however, these variations are comparatively unimportant, for most of them disappear when the spelling of the two clerks is assimilated to some recognized usage. Each manuscript in turn corrects the other in many of these passages, and conjecture has successfully emended nearly all of the remainder—the variation S peruiclanda, T peruigila in v. 47 is perhaps the only passage of this kind which still causes anxiety. The grave corruptions of the text are found in passages in which the MSS. are in agreement; they agree exactly (I) in five lacunae, T having an additional one; (2) in two or more misplaced passages; (3) in the placing of the refrain, with all of which matters I deal below; they agree exactly in an error in the title ‘Peruirgilium’ for ‘Peruigilium,’ and in about twelve lines, of which vv. 51 and 79 have almost certainly been preserved in an incorrect form.

scholarly journals From the Tombs into the City: Grave Robbing and the Reuse of Funerary Spolia in Late Antique Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 115-137
Author(s):  
Cristina Murer
Keyword(s):  
Social Practice ◽  
Late Antiquity ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The City

Archaeological evidence demonstrates that funerary spoil (e.g. sarcophagus lids, funerary altars, epitaphs, reliefs, and statues) were frequently reused to decorate the interiors of public and private buildings from the third to the sixth century. Therefore, the marble revetments of high imperial tombs must have been spoliated. Imperial edicts, which tried to stamp part the overly common practice of tomb plundering, confirm that the social practice of tomb plundering must have been far more frequent in late antiquity than in previous periods. This paper discusses the reuse of funerary spoil in privet and public buildings from Latium and Campania and contextualizes them by examining legal sources addressing tomb violation. Furthermore, this study considers the extent to which the social practice of tomb plundering and the reuse of funerary material in late antiquity can be connected with larger urbanist, sociohistorical, and political transformations of Italian cityscapes from the third to the sixth century.

Making Gold-Mercury Amalgam: the Evidence for Gilding From Southampton

2008 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 37-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justine Bayley ◽  
Andy Russel
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Copper Alloys ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Third Century ◽  
Archaeological Evidence ◽  
The Third ◽  
Gold Mercury ◽  
Late Roman

Mercury gilding is a well-known decorative technique that was applied to both silver and a range of copper alloys from the third century AD until the introduction of electroplating in the nineteenth century. The process is well understood but, until recently, there has been no good archaeological evidence for it. Excavations in Southampton have discovered two rather different objects that were used to produce gold-mercury amalgam, the first stage in mercury gilding. One is a block of stone and the other a reused amphora sherd. The stone comes from a ninth-century context, while the amphora sherd's findspot is less well dated: it could have been reused in the late Roman or the Saxon period.

scholarly journals Smid ikke metoderne ud med badevandet. Epistemologisk konstruktivisme og dens metodiske konsekvenser

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Simon Calmer Andersen
Keyword(s):  
Systems Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
Scientific Debate ◽  
The Third ◽  
General Rules ◽  
The One ◽  
Point Of Departure

Epistemological constructivism and its methodological consequences The debate about constructivism and its methodological consequences has, on the one hand, confused ontological and epistemological constructivism, and, on the other, erroneously rejected conventional rules of method. This article seeks to unravel some of the main issues. In the first part of the article I analyse four constructivist positions on the basis of their ontological and epistemological premises, not to provide a thorough review, but to delimit epistemological constructivism. In the second part of the article, I argue that epistemological constructivism (with point of departure in Luhmann’s systems theory) doesn’t get entangled with some of the misunderstandings that constructivism generally is criticised for because it doesn’t mix ontology and epistemology. In the third part of the article, I attempt to show how general rules of method are congruent with epistemological constructivism. I attempt to show that it is possible to corroborate the rules of method without necessarily subscribing to correspondence criteria for truth, if one in stead is contented to assume that the ambition is to contribute to the scientific debate.

Opus Salomonis: Sorting Out Solomon’s Scattered Treasure

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 326-378
Author(s):  
Allegra Iafrate
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Medieval Art ◽  
Present Contribution ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Past ◽  
Art And Literature ◽  
The Temple

The present contribution discusses the known occurrences of the expression opus Salomonis in medieval art and literature. The goal is to regroup together the textual occurrences presented in the past by various scholars, in order to show how the application of the expression differs across different contexts. Most of these Solomonic references depend on the initial topos of the furnishing of the Temple of Jerusalem but they act in different ways and should be understood according to three main lines of interpretation. The first, which is possible to date around the sixth century ce, depends on a tradition that mentions a series of objects that are literally considered as coming from the treasure of Solomon. The second interpretation, strictly related to the former, but whose earliest mention is an eighth-century source, shows us a shift toward bronze objects that evoke the context of the Temple for their technique of realization. The third reference, probably developed between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in a French, lay, cultural context, deals instead with the working technique of hard and precious materials, especially ivory.

scholarly journals XXIV. Studies in Ancient Indian Medicine

1908 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 997-1028
Author(s):  
A. F. Rudolf Hoernle
Keyword(s):  
Eighth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Joint Production ◽  
Indian Medicine

The fact of the Caraka Saṁhitā, or the Medical Compendium of Charaka, being a composite work is well known at the present day. The work is the joint production of two medical men, Charaka and Dṛiḍhabala, both natives of Kashmir, and living in that country, probably one in the second, the other in the eighth century of our era. Charaka's share itself claims to be no more than an edition of an earlier work by Agniveśa. This man, being one of the traditional six disciples of Punarvasu, called Ātreya or son of Atri, is said to have reduced to writing the oral teachings of his master, an event which must have occurred at some time in the sixth century before our era. Charaka's edition of Agniveśa's work bears the name of Saṁhitā, or Compendium, while the earlier work of Agniveśa is called a Tantra, or treatise or textbook.

Sparta’s Contributions to Greek Sport

2021 ◽  
pp. 366-377
Author(s):  
Paul Cartledge
Keyword(s):  
Public Education ◽  
Physical Education ◽  
Olive Oil ◽  
Core Values ◽  
Second Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
Third Century ◽  
The Third

Spartan public education was notably physical in focus, and internalized Spartan core values. Athletic nudity and anointing athletes with oil may have arisen from the culture of olive-oil-rich Sparta. Spartan athletic fervour possibly prompted Tyrtaeus’ critique of athletics. Sparta was an early and avid supporter of the Olympics (see the Lycurgus legend) and its citizens accrued forty-five of the known Olympic victories in the first two centuries of the festival, followed by a precipitous drop-off of athletic victors for a couple centuries thereafter. In equestrian events, they garnered seventeen or eighteen victories from 548 to about 368, capped by the first Olympic victory by a woman, Cynisca, in 396. Olympia was the Spartan venue of choice: there are oddly no known Spartan victors at the other major Panhellenic festivals. The site of their most avid participation was Lacedaemon itself, evidenced primarily by the ‘stele of Damonon’ (c.400– c.375), recording numerous victories at nine local festivals. A Leonidaea commemorating Leonidas was instituted from the third century bce to the second century ce. Physical education for Spartan girls is alluded to by Xenophon and Aristophanes, and evidenced by bronze figurines of the sixth century bce.

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