The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State

1990 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Brendan O'Leary ◽  
John Hutchinson
1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 682
Author(s):  
Stanley H. Palmer ◽  
John Hutchinson ◽  
Oliver MacDonagh

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-227
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In dit eerste deel van zijn uiteenzetting poneert Lode Wils de door zijn bronnen onderbouwde stelling dat het ontstaan van de Belgische (natie)staat de feitelijke slotfase was van een passage van de protonatie(s) in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie. Een passage die tijdens de late twintiger jaren van de negentiende eeuw bovendien sterk gekruid werd door het Belgisch 'wij'-denken dat meer en meer het cement ging vormen in de parlementaire en buitenparlementaire contestatie tegen het Hollandse regime.Wils verbindt in zijn uiteenzetting zijn eigen onderzoek omtrent de "cruciale parlementaire debatten in de jaren 1827-1830" aan zijn lectuur van de wetenschappelijke literatuur die zowel in het Noorden als in het Zuiden werd gewijd aan die problematiek, in bijzonderheid de doctoraalstudie L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830 van de UCL-historiograaf Sébastien Dubois. Betekenisvol is overigens de frase van Wils waarin hij stelt dat Dubois zich "na het doorworstelen van bijna 2000 archiefbundels, ergert aan de voorstelling alsof niet het koninkrijk, maar 'België' geschapen werd in 1830."________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state [part I]In this first part of his discourse Lode Wils puts forward the thesis corroborated by his sources that the creation of the Belgian (nation)state was in fact the final phase of a transition from the pre-nation(s) of the Southern Netherlands through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution. During the late nineteen twenties this transition was particularly marked by the Belgian “we-thinking” that gradually came to be the binding factor in the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary protest against the Dutch regime.  In his argument Wils connects his own research into the “crucial parliamentary debates during the period of 1827-1830” to his reading of the scientific literature, which was dedicated to that issue both in the North and in the South, in particular to the doctoral dissertation by the UCL historiographer Sébastien Dubois L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830  (The invention of Belgium. Genesis of a Nation State: 1648-1830). We note in particular Will’s remark that Dubois “after having waded through almost 2000 archival volumes is irritated by the conception that 1830 saw the creation not of the kingdom but of ‘Belgium’.”


1995 ◽  
Vol 34 (4II) ◽  
pp. 619-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus

Because of its potential to disrupt economic development, it is necessary to understand the dynamics of ethnic conflict in the contemporary world. A prevalent trend in the study of ethnicity is to focus on the creation and/or maintenance of ethnic identities and mobilisation on the basis of those identities as groups compete for resources, opportunities, or political power in the context of the nation-state [Barth (1969); Brass (1985); Comaroff (1987); Mumtaz (1990)]. In this approach, an ethnic group's distinguishing markers-language, custom, dress, etc.-are treated less as manifestations of tradition which define or create the group and more as arenas of negotiation and contestation in which people strive to realise their practical and symbolic interests. This happens as individuals or families, pursuing their livelihoods with the skills and resources available to them, find (or create) opportunities or obstacles which appear to be based on' ethnic criteria. The state can intensify this process as it uses positive or negative discrimination in order to achieve some desired distribution of wealth and opportunity. In turn, political leadership becomes a key in realising the experience of shared ethnic interests. Leadership develops as a kind of dual legitimation process, i.e., as individuals or organisations seek to be accepted as spokesmen both by members of the group itself and by outsiders.


Author(s):  
Vanessa Mak

This chapter makes an analysis of the theoretical foundations of lawmaking in European private law. It shows that they can be traced to transnational and constitutional pluralist theories. The main question is in which respects legal pluralism should replace the monist, state-centred perspective on lawmaking that prevailed in Western Europe since the creation of the Westphalian nation state. It is argued that, even though the state remains the primary locus for lawmaking in private law in the EU, the rise of private regulation and the interaction between courts through judicial dialogues plead in favour of adopting a strong legal pluralist perspective. ‘Strong’ or ‘radical’ legal pluralism, other than monism or ‘ordered’ legal pluralism, holds that norms can co-exist without a formal hierarchy. Both a descriptive and a normative case are put forward in support of adopting this perspective.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009059172110091
Author(s):  
Begüm Adalet

Political theorists are increasingly drawn to the recovery of anticolonial thinkers as global figures. Frantz Fanon is largely excluded from these discussions because of his presumed commitment to the nation-state and its territorialist assumptions. This essay claims, by contrast, that Fanon’s writings reveal an alternative way of thinking about worldmaking, less as a question of political and economic institution-building spearheaded by leaders than as a multiscalar project that permeates the production of the built environment and the creation of selves. I show how Fanon challenges the dichotomy between the global and the national by seeking to transform not just the national scale in relation to the international, but also the corporeal, urban, rural, and regional scales of an imperially configured world. In order to read Fanon as a scalar thinker and to highlight aspects of his thought that have been relatively neglected, I draw on concepts from geography, and specifically scalar analysis, which, I demonstrate, allows political theorists to develop a richer understanding of the operations of power in colonial contexts and how they can be restructured to inaugurate more liberated ways of being human.


1994 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Crystal

The capacity to transfer wealth abroad had long served wealth-holders as a potent restraint on state encroachment. The creation of movable wealth, Montesqueau wrote in the eighteenth century, meant that ‘rulers have been compelled to govern with greater wisdom than they themselves might have intended’. In the years since then, new technology and increasing interdependence have greatly magnified this capability; one recent book argues that the increased mobility of capital and growing integration of economies means that all governments ‘have lost the vestiges of unchecked economic sovereignty’ and that they ‘must concede to the implied threats of quicksilver capital’ When enormous quantities of wealth travel across the world with a single tap of a computer key, a country risks paying heavy costs if it adopts the wrong policies. So if the nation-state is not yet dead, it appears to be severely weakened in its ability to pursue measures at odds with the wishes of mobile-asset holders


2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-699 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Luyt

Purpose The Burma/Myanmar naming controversy on Wikipedia stands as an exemplary debate at least in terms of the politeness and civility of discourse. It was also one of the longer running debates on Wikipedia beginning almost at the same time as the creation of the article in 2003. But this debate has other lessons for those interested in one of the world’s key pieces of information infrastructure. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The author’s approach to the study of the Wikipedia talk pages devoted to the Burma/Myanmar naming controversy is qualitative in nature and explores the debate over sources through textual analysis. Findings Editors brought to their work a number of underlying assumptions including the primacy of the nation-state and the nature of a “true” encyclopedia. These were combined with a particular interpretation of neutral point of view (NPOV) policy that unnecessarily prolonged the debate and, more importantly, would have the effect, if widely adopted, of reducing Wikipedia’s potential to include multiple perspectives on any particular topic. Originality/value The study clearly shows how editors tend to uncritically reproduce the dominant assumptions of their societies. When combined with positivist readings of NPOV policy, this has grave implications for Wikipedia’s potential to open up representation to a wider set of knowledge producers and perspectives. Much of this potential cannot be realized if the assumptions of editors, especially their flawed understanding of NPOV, cannot be challenged effectively.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-24
Author(s):  
Alex Christison

The author of this paper investigates how blood has been constructed as a gendered and heteronormative cultural product, explored through the use of critical analysis of historical and contemporary uses of blood. Heteronormativity and the fallacy of discrete sexes are then defined and explored to give context to the argument. It is found that through gendering under the two-sex model of opposing male and female sexes, blood is heteronormative. A case study of Canadian Blood Services was used to show how governance is enacted based upon the limitation of a heteronormative construction. This argument is bolstered in a theoretical discussion of the nation-state and the creation of the archetypical citizen, part of which is a compulsory heterosexuality.


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