Thomas More and Communism

PMLA ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward L. Surtz

There can be no doubt that Raphael Hythloday, like the Utopians, is persuaded that communism is the solution for the social, economic, and political evils of the early sixteenth century. But what is the real attitude of Thomas More himself toward communism? Which of the following does the author of Utopia consider communism to be: a practical remedy? an impossible vision? an unattainable, but desirable, ideal? No definite answer can be given until one has reviewed, at least cursorily, the historical background to the views of the Renaissance toward communism.

1988 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-606
Author(s):  
John Villiers

The numerous and voluminous reports and letters which the Jesuits wrote on the Moro mission, as on all their missions in Asia, are perhaps of less interest to us now for what they reveal of the methods adopted by the Society of Jesus in this remote corner of their mission field or the details they contain about the successes and failures of individual missionaries, than for the wealth of information they provide on the islands where the Jesuits lived and the indigenous societies with which they came into contact through their work of evangelization. In other words, it is not theprimary purpose of this essay to analyse the Jesuit documents with a view to reconstructing the history of the Moro mission in narrative form but rather to glean from them some of the informationthey contain about the social and political conditions in Moro during the forty years or so in the sixteenth century when both the Jesuit missionaries and the Portuguese were active in the regio Because the Jesuits were often in close touch with local rulers and notables, whether or not they succeeded in converting them to Christianity, and because they lived among their subjects for long periods, depending upon them for the necessities of life and sharing their hardships, their letters and reports often show a deeper understanding of the social, economic and political conditions of the indigenous societies and, one suspects, give a more accurate and measured account of events and personalities than do the official chroniclers and historians of the time, most of whom never ventured further east than Malacca and who in any case were chiefly concerned to glorify the deeds of the Portuguese and justify their actions to the world.


2005 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance M. Furey

The scathing insults that fill texts by sixteenth-century Christian reformers can shock even a jaded modern reader. In the prefatory letter to the Babylonian Captivity of the Church (1520), for example, Martin Luther begins by wishing for “grace and peace in Christ” before launching his attack on the “brainless and illiterate beast in papist form” and its “whole filthy pack of … asses,” and concludes by exhorting his reader to rise up against the Catholic hierarchy: “Continue courageously, noble sir; in this way the disgrace of the Bohemian name will be abolished, and the sludge of the harlot's lies and whoring shall again be taken up in her breast.” Or consider the nasty invectives by the English Lord Chancellor and future Catholic martyr, Thomas More, against not only Luther but also Matthew Tyndale, who translated the Bible into English. More calls these men the “devil's disciples”: Luther “a pimp, an apostate, a rustic, and a friar”; and Tyndale “a babbler, and a devil's ape.” Even Desiderius Erasmus, the erudite Catholic humanist, filled his writings with insults both satirical and blunt and proclaimed that theologians “are more stupid than any pig” (sue stupidiores). Fierce words commonly appear in the midst of religious controversies, and one may choose to skim past this hyperbolic outrage in search of the real message. Insulting rhetoric, however, does provide a sensitive barometer of religious concerns in the sixteenth century and yields unexpectedly complex answers to a simple question. What does negative speech accomplish?


In the early modern period, Catholic communities in Protestant jurisdictions were impelled to establish colleges for the education and formation of students in more hospitable Catholic territories. The Irish, English and Scots Colleges founded in France, Flanders, the Iberian peninsula, Rome and elsewhere are the best known, but the phenomenon extended to Dutch and Scandinavian foundations in southern Flanders and the German lands. Similarly colleges were established in Rome for various national communities, among whom the Maronites are a striking example. The first colleges were founded in the mid-sixteenth century and tens of thousands of students passed through them until their closure in late eighteenth century. Only a handful survived the disruption of the French Revolutionary wars to re-emerge in the nineteenth century. Historians have long argued that these exile colleges played a prominent role in maintaining Catholic structures by supplying educated clergy equipped to deal with the challenges of their domestic churches. This has ensured that the Irish, English and Scots colleges in particular have a rich historiography laid out in the pages of Archivium Hibernicum, the Records of the Scots Colleges or the volumes published under the aegis of the Catholic Record Society in England. Until recently, however, their histories were considered in isolating confessional and national frameworks, with surprisingly little attempt to examine commonalities or connections. Recent research has begun to open up the topic by investigating the social, economic, cultural and material histories of the colleges. Meanwhile renewed interest in the history of early modern migration has encouraged historians to place the colleges within the vibrant migrant communities of Irish, English, Scots and others on the continent. The Introduction begins with a survey of the colleges. It assesses their historiographies, paying particular attention to the research of the last three decades. The introduction argues that an obvious next step is to examine the colleges in transnational and comparative perspectives. Finally, it introduces the volume's essays on Irish, English, Scots, Dutch, German and Maronite colleges, which provide up-to-date research by leading historians in the field and point to the possibilities for future research on this exciting topic.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (17) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Janc

Possibilities of hyperlink application in spatial researchThe main aim of the paper is to show the selected ways of analysing, the possible interpretations and expectations concerning the analyses of hyperlinks in spatial research. The connections existing in cyberspace for selected self-government websites of Lower Silesia were shown to illustrate the issue. The analyses were conducted for selected websites of self-government units at all levels functioning in Lower Silesia. The paper presents two approaches to the analysis of hyperlinks: analysis of outlinks and inlinks. The presented results allow us to identify some regularities regarding the functioning of connections in cyberspace versus the connections in the real world. From the perspective of self-government websites it can be concluded that the connections in cyberspace reflect the real connections. In the majority of the analysed cases there is a clear connection with the actual scope of activity. The remaining relationships with administrative cities reflect the significance of these cities for the functioning of self-government units in the social, economic, legal, and administrative conditions. Based on the conducted analyses it can be concluded that the study of hyperlinks may be useful in understanding the relationships between geographical space and cyberspace. They may form a new, interesting field of spatial research. We also found some challenges in the study of hyperlinks' spatial aspects: the identification of consistent criteria for determining the websites' ‘location in space’, the possibility of interpreting the research results and the dynamics of the Internet.


1984 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton

The century of the Reformation, in England as elsewhere, sharpened all conflicts and augmented persecution. As the unity of Christendom broke up, the rival parties acquired that sort of confidence in their own righteousness that encourages men to put one another to death for conscience sake; an era of moderation and tolerance gave way to one of ever more savage repression. To the openminded willingness which characterized the humanism of Erasmus and More as well as the Rome of Leo X there succeeded the bigotry typical of Carafa, Calvin, Knox and the English puritans; only the gradual evaporation of such passions, produced by each side’s inability to triumph totally, produced a weariness with religious strife which made the return of mutual sufferance possible. That, at least, is the received story. Historians of toleration, as for instance Jordan and Lecler, firmly described the history of persecution in this way. Jordan identified six developments which led to its decline in sixteenth-century England: a growing political strength among dissident sects, the impossibility of preventing splintering and preserving uniformity, the needs of trade which overrode religious hostility, experience of travel, the failure to suppress dissident publications, and finally a growing scepticism which denied the claims to exclusive truth advanced by this or that faction. In other words, only two things moved men, once they had fallen away from the generosity of the pre-Reformation era, to substitute an uneasy toleration for a vigorous persecution: the external pressures of experience and the decline of religious fervour. By implication, men of power called for repression and only those who could not hope to win favoured toleration, until general exhaustion set in. It is a convincing enough picture, and much evidence no doubt supports it. But it is a picture—a general and rather schematic panorama which makes little allowance for the real opinions of individuals. On this occasion I should like to test it by looking at the attitudes of two highly articulate sixteenth-century Englishmen—Thomas More, humanist and loyal son of the universal Church, and John Foxe, humanist and faithful protestant. Both, we know, were men of sensitivity and sense. How did they stand to the problem of persecution?


1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 611-617
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton

How well do we really know Thomas More? Directed to one of the most familiar figures of the sixteenth century, the question must appear absurd. Even without the aid of stage and screen, surely everyone has a clear idea of England's leading humanist, great wit, friend of Erasmus and other Continental humanists, author of Utopia, family man, man of convictions, ultimately martyr. The familiar Holbein portrait seems to sum it all up, as does at greater length the much admired biography of R. W. Chambers. Chambers, in fact, completed the picture when, to his own satisfaction and that of others, he disposed of ‘inconsistencies’ discerned by earlier observers between the cheerful reformer and ‘liberal’ of 1516 on the one hand, and the fierce opponent of Lutheran reform and savage polemicist of 1528–33 on the other. No man's personality in that age, not even King Henry's, seems more fully explored and more generally agreed than More's.


2019 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 521-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quang Hung Nguyen ◽  
Nikolay N. Kosarenko ◽  
Elmira R. Khairullina ◽  
Olga V. Popova

Christian missionaries found Vietnam a spiritual country, and many Vietnamese converted to Christianity. On the other hand, during history, the Christian religious identity has brought various tensions due to the issues of colonialism, nationalism, and communism. Most Vietnamese Christians lived in pure Christian villages (lang cong giao toan tong) or mixed villages with Christians accounting for about a half of the population (lang cong giao xoi do). They have played an important role in the social, economic and cultural life of these villages. This article presents the historical background of a mixed village called Phung Khoang, contrasting the Christian vs. non-Christian cultural-religious views, and then discussing both the collaboration and tension played out over various historical periods.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance Furey

AbstractThis paper analyzes how the "new" genre of Utopia (nominally invented by Thomas More in the sixteenth century) historicizes in a way that is not, strictly speaking, tied to history. More builds his imaginary world using details culled from life in sixteenth-century England, and Utopia—a fictional island society—is itself a commentary on the values and politics of More's society. This dual focus on the real and the ideal explains why this prosaic genre has intrigued so many commentators, notably Fredric Jameson, who (I argue) has written repeatedly about Utopia as a way to think through the unresolved implications of his own injunction to historicize. Working out of a commitment to historical materialism, Jameson has found it difficult to articulate hope for an alternative future that is itself appropriately historicized and not naively utopian. Analyzing More and Jameson in tandem thereby illuminates the theoretical dilemmas involved in critiquing history.


2020 ◽  
pp. 001139212096975
Author(s):  
Joe PL Davidson

This article is focused on exploring the value of literary utopias for social theory. The literary utopia, at first glance, appears irrelevant to sociology, its imaginative descriptions of social worlds both radically different and substantively better than our own seeming to skip over the central task of sociological enquiry: the diagnosis of society as it exists. In this article, the author aims to demonstrate that this is mistaken: the tradition of literary utopianising has much to contribute to sociology. Utopian authors, from Thomas More in the sixteenth century to Ursula K Le Guin in the twentieth, have developed a sophisticated and original mode of social critique. The utopian text, in bricolating and remixing aspects of actually existing society, creates something both new and astonishing. In looking laterally at the world from the perspective of utopia, consciousness of the contradictions and repressions of the dominant relations in contemporary society is sharpened. The literary utopia achieves this in two ways: first, it demonstrates how the not yet realised norms of the author’s society can be fulfilled and, second, it discloses the hidden possibilities for new ways of living that are present but denied in the social world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
S. Suciati

<p>The drying of spirituality and weakening of cohesiveness in the midst of materialistic hedonistic modern world become major challenge for the adherents of official religions in Indonesia. The practice of religions is considered too much focusing on ritual aspects. Therefore, those teachings cannot give the real meaningfulness of religious life. Consequently, some adherents of official religions begin to see other spiritual/mysticism sects. This study describes the social cohesiveness among muslims who become members of Pangestu, a spiritual-mysticism sect widely spreading among Javanese society in Indonesia. This research shows that the Pangestu in Salatiga, Central Java, can fulfill social, economic, and spiritual needs of its members. Among the underlying factors that make Pangestu succeed to meet its members’ needs and expectations are the capability of the members to intensely communicate with each other through meetings and bawaraos (Jv, informal gathering), the great concern between members, good-example of leadership, the defense of Pangestu’s good name, and the satisfaction in experiencing meaningfulness of religious practices.</p><p>[Kekeringan spiritual dan lemahnya kebersamaan di tengah dunia modern yang serba hedonistik menjadi tantangan utama bagi para pemeluk agama di Indonesia. Praktik-praktik keagamaan terlalu banyak terfokus pada aspek ritual, sehingga ajaran agama tidak mampu menghadirkan praktek-praktek keagamaan yang benar-benar bermakna. Hal ini mendorong sebagian pemeluk agama untuk melirik aliran kepercayaan dan kebatinan. Artikel ini mendeskripsikan keguyuban sosial di antara orang-orang Islam yang menjadi anggota Pangestu, sebuah aliran kepercayaan di Indonesia yang banyak menyebar terutama di kalangan masyarakat Jawa. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Pangestu di Salatiga, Jawa Tegah, mampu memenuhi kebutuhan sosial, ekonomi, dan spiritual para anggotanya. Di antara faktor yang menentukan keberhasilan Pangestu dalam memenuhi harapan para anggotanya adalah adanya komunikasi intensif antar anggota melalui pertemuan dan bawaraos (Jv, kumpul-kumpul), perhatian yang besar terhadap anggota lainnya, teladan kepemimpinan yang bagus, pembelaan terhadap nama baik paguyuban Pangestu, dan kepuasan dalam menyelami kebermaknaan praktik-praktik keagamaan.]</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document