Lytton Strachey's Conception of Biography

PMLA ◽  
1951 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 295-315
Author(s):  
Charles Richard Sanders

Human beings are too important to be treated as mere symptoms of the past. They have a value which is independent of any temporal processes—which is eternal, and must be felt for its own sake.“ These two sentences, embedded in the well-known Preface to Eminent Victorians, must always be the starting point and a constant point of reference in any discussion of Strachey's conception of biography. The basis of all good biography must be, he firmly held, the humanistic respect for men—men in their separateness as distinct from lower creatures and in their separateness apart from economical, political, ethical, and religious theories; men in their separateness as distinct from one another, men as individuals, various, living, free. It has been well said that Strachey wrote with ”a glowing conviction that character is the one thing that counts in life“ and with a realization that individual human beings, however simple they may appear, are enigmatical, complex, and compact of contending elements. Each person carries his secret within him, and the biographer is one who has the gift for discerning what it is. Hence individual human beings are not only highly important; they are also highly interesting. The puzzle which the biographer has to solve in dealing with ordinary people is fascinating enough; but when the subject is a great man, the biographer works with his problem in an atmosphere of intense excitement, for about all great men there is something wondrous and incredible.

KronoScope ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Carl Humphries

Abstract “Being is said in many ways,” claimed Aristotle, initiating a discussion about existential commitment that continues today. Might there not be reasons to say something similar about “having been,” or “having happened,” where these expressions denote something’s being located in the past? Moreover, if history – construed not only as an object of inquiry (actual events, etc.) but also as a way of casting light on certain matters – is primarily concerned with “things past,” then the question just posed also seems relevant to the question of what historical understanding amounts to. While the idea that ‘being’ may mean different things in different contexts has indisputable importance, the implications of other, past-temporal expressions are elusive. In what might any differences of substantive meaning encountered there consist? One starting point for responding – the one that provides the subject matter explored here – is furnished by the question of whether or not a certain way of addressing matters relating to the past permits or precludes forms of intelligibility that could be said to be ‘radically historical.’ After arguing that the existing options for addressing this issue remain unsatisfactory, I set out an alternative view of what it could mean to endorse or reject such an idea. This involves drawing distinctions and analogies connected with notions of temporal situatedness, human practicality and historicality, which are then linked to a further contrast between two ways of understanding the referential significance of what is involved when we self-ascribe a relation to a current situation in a manner construable as implying that we take ourselves to occupy a unique, yet circumstantially defined, perspective on that situation. As regards the latter, on one reading, the specific kind of indexically referring language we use – commonly labelled “de se” – is something whose rationale is exhausted by its practical utility as a communicative tool. On the other, it is viewed as capturing something of substantive importance about how we can be thought of as standing in relation to reality. I claim that this second reading, together with the line of thinking about self-identification and self-reference it helps foreground, can shed light on what it would mean to affirm or deny the possibility of radically historical forms of intelligibility – and thus also on what it could mean to ascribe a plurality of meanings to talk concerning things being ‘in the past.’


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2 (461)) ◽  
pp. 61-68
Author(s):  
Karl-Olov Arnstberg

Karl-Olov Arnstberg in the text Swedish Patriotism discusses the issue of identity and national consciousness in Sweden. The starting point for his reflections is the interview he had the opportunity to conduct with a doctor from Sri Lanka. He approached him as if he was a Swede, they both had a similar worldview, but his approach changed when the subject of conversation became the history of Sri Lanka. Arnstberg felt as if his interlocutor was so rooted in the past that the past, not the present created who he is now. The author of the text notices a parallel linking this situation with how the national consciousness of the Swedes was described at the beginning of the previous century by Selma Lagerlöf and Verner von Heidenstam. However, he notices certain regularity that “when the history of Sweden is written in a scientific and objective way, with a keen pursuit of truth, it is not only the history of Sweden that loses its social grounding, but it is also much harder to build a national identity on it”. What affects most the nation are fantastic heroes and fantastic events. Arnstberg emphasizes that he does not need his country’s history to build his identity. He refers to Peter Englund, a member of the Swedish Academy, who on the one hand wrote that ignorance of history may cause a lack of sense and identity, and on the other hand, he believed that historical events and heroes should not be used as justification for nationalism. His interpretation of Englund’s words includes two approaches to history. The first – modernist, which does not look at history in the identity context, and the second – nationalist, according to which knowledge of history is important for a sense of community with the rest of the nation. Further, the author of the text analyzes the concept of Swedishness, referring to the articles of other researchers. The examples he gives more blur the term than allow us to understand what it really means. He demonstrates, on the basis of nationalism, the paradoxes of Swedishness and even undermines its existence.


Author(s):  
Volker Scheid

This chapter explores the articulations that have emerged over the last half century between various types of holism, Chinese medicine and systems biology. Given the discipline’s historical attachments to a definition of ‘medicine’ that rather narrowly refers to biomedicine as developed in Europe and the US from the eighteenth century onwards, the medical humanities are not the most obvious starting point for such an inquiry. At the same time, they do offer one advantage over neighbouring disciplines like medical history, anthropology or science and technology studies for someone like myself, a clinician as well as a historian and anthropologist: their strong commitment to the objective of facilitating better medical practice. This promise furthermore links to the wider project of critique, which, in Max Horkheimer’s definition of the term, aims at change and emancipation in order ‘to liberate human beings from the circumstances that enslave them’. If we take the critical medical humanities as explicitly affirming this shared objective and responsibility, extending the discipline’s traditional gaze is not a burden but becomes, in fact, an obligation.


Author(s):  
Daiva Milinkevičiūtė

The Age of Enlightenment is defined as the period when the universal ideas of progress, deism, humanism, naturalism and others were materialized and became a golden age for freemasons. It is wrong to assume that old and conservative Christian ideas were rejected. Conversely, freemasons put them into new general shapes and expressed them with the help of symbols in their daily routine. Symbols of freemasons had close ties with the past and gave them, on the one hand, a visible instrument, such as rituals and ideas to sense the transcendental, and on the other, intense gnostic aspirations. Freemasons put in a great amount of effort to improve themselves and to create their identity with the help of myths and symbols. It traces its origins to the biblical builders of King Solomon’s Temple, the posterity of the Templar Knights, and associations of the medieval craft guilds, which were also symbolical and became their link not only to each other but also to the secular world. In this work we analysed codified masonic symbols used in their rituals. The subject of our research is the universal Masonic idea and its aspects through the symbols in the daily life of the freemasons in Vilnius. Thanks to freemasons’ signets, we could find continuity, reception, and transformation of universal masonic ideas in the Lithuanian freemasonry and national characteristics of lodges. Taking everything into account, our article shows how the universal idea of freemasonry spread among Lithuanian freemasonry, and which forms and meanings it incorporated in its symbols. The objective of this research is to find a universal Masonic idea throughout their visual and oral symbols and see its impact on the daily life of the masons in Vilnius. Keywords: Freemasonry, Bible, lodge, symbols, rituals, freemasons’ signets.


1863 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. E. Scoresby-Jackson

The subject to which I have to invite the attention of the Society this evening is one of no modern origin, the name of Hippocrates, amongst others of the fathers of medicine, being commonly associated with it. There is, indeed, perhaps no branch of medical inquiry whose history dips more deeply into the obscure pages of antiquity. The influence of weather upon disease and mortality has been acknowledged as a potent external force in every age, from that eminently speculative and credulous period when physicians professed to receive their diagnostic as well as their therapeutic inspirations from the stars, down to our own day. And yet there is perhaps no question in the whole cycle of medical sciences which has made slower progress than the one we have now to consider. People believe that the weather affects them. They speak of its influence, sometimes commendingly, more frequently with censure, on the most trivial occasions; but beyond a few commonplace ideas, the result of careless observation, or perhaps acquired only traditionally, they seldom seek a closer acquaintance with the subject. Our language teems with medico-meteorological apophthegms, but they are notoriously vague. The words which are most commonly employed to signify the state of the weather at any given time, possess a value relative only to the sensations of the individual uttering them. The general and convertible terms—bitter, raw, cold, severe, bleak, inclement, or fine and bracing, convey no definite idea of the condition of the weather; nay, it is quite possible that we may hear these several expressions used by different persons with reference to the weather of one and the same place and point of time. In order, then, to render medico-meteorological researches more trustworthy, we must be careful to employ, in the expression of facts, such symbols only as have a corresponding value in every nation.


Geology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Germán Mora ◽  
Ana M. Carmo ◽  
William Elliott

The sensitivity of plant carbon isotope fractionation (13Δleaf) to changes in atmospheric CO2 concentrations (Ca) is the subject of heavy debate, with some studies finding no sensitivity, while others show a strong dependency. We tested the hypothesis of photosynthetic homeostasis by using δ13C of n-alkanes, cuticles, and bulk organic matter of gymnosperm-rich rocks (Arundel Clay) from two sites deposited during the Aptian, a time that experienced significant Ca variations. Our results show no effect of Ca on 13Δleaf, and a relatively constant Ci/Ca (0.64 ± 0.04, 1σ; i—intercellular space), a value that is similar to that of modern gymnosperms. These results suggest that Aptian gymnosperms used homeostatic adjustments with rising Ca, probably involving increased carbon assimilation and/or stomatal closure, a response also found in modern gymnosperms. The similarity between Aptian and modern gymnosperms suggests that the processes responsible for regulating CO2 and water vapor exchange during photosynthesis have remained unaltered in gymnosperms for the past 128 m.y.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Martin Peña ◽  
Ramon M. Soldevila de Monteys ◽  
Vanesa Berlanga Silvente

Purpose: This study presents an inquiry on the historical evolution of the uniforming movement in cost accounting and its current position in the lodging sector. Its paramount objective is ‘to learn from the past' and, at the same time, to pose a question of future: where are aiming the current techniques of cost management in the lodging industry to? A specific purpose of this inquiry was fixed, on the base of a necessary retrospective look, in outlining and analyzing the actual accounting informative needs of today’s hotel complexes, considering the two main directions that hotel accounting has taken throughout its (long) history in search of uniformity. A uniform purpose that, from 1926 on, the successive versions of the USAH - Uniform System of Accounts for Hotels has being pursuing (an acronym modified in 1996 as USALI - Uniform System of Accounts for Lodging Industries).Design/methodology: This work composes of two parts differentiated and clearly interconnected:In a first study it examines the movement uniform system in its most dynamic period, as they were the years between the two WW (1920 - 1940), its aims and most outstanding contributions, its economic and politician circumstances, social influences, etc.In a second study the interest is focused in the current period and specifically in the Spanish lodging industry, where, by means of the method of the survey and personal interviewing, it aims to evaluate and interpret the degree of need perceived by the managerial agents of the sector about an accounting uniform movement in Spain.Findings: The inquiry offers two types of contributions and results: on the one hand, a reconfiguration of the role exerted by the ‘uniforming’ movement in the history of management accounting; on the other hand, it makes evident, by means of a field inquiry, which are the main informative needs of the lodging sector in Spain, beyond a mere sectorial adaptation of the current general plan of accounting.Originality/value: The authors have focused their inquiry on the big evolutionary lines that have given fruit in the different versions of the USALI, considering its utility as the starting point for a hypothetical system of accounting management adjusted to the needs and idiosyncrasy of the Hispanic sector. One of the main conclusions that can be extracted is that, either by looking at the review of the past or by summarizing the analysis of the present needs, the evidence shows that the European hotel industry faces a pending task that the North American tradition has been successful to channel in a way comparatively more advanced: the fact of having a complete and uniform instrument of accounting information.


1966 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 239-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. G. L. Hammond

The positions and the extent of these kingdoms have been disputed in the past, especially by Droysen, Zippel, Meyer, and Beloch, and they are the subject now of an interesting and well-documented paper by F. Papazoglou, entitled ‘Les origines et la destinée de l'état Illyrien: Illyrii proprie dicti’. His conclusions are that there was a specific political ‘Organization’ called ʾΙλλυριοί that almost all the known kings of Illyria—he gives fifteen of them between 400 and 167 B.C.—were rulers of this organization; and that this organization was not the one and only tribal organization known by this specific name, the ‘Illyrii proprie dicti’ of Pliny, HN iii. 144 and P. Mela ii. 55. In the course of the paper he does not mention any use of the term ʾΙλλυριοί before 423 B.C.; he shows no knowledge of the topography of the areas and little concern with topography; and he makes some statements which are erroneous, at least in part, e.g. that when Glaucias took the title ‘king of the Illyrians’ the Taulantii disappeared for ever from history—yet he quotes from Livy the terms given to the Taulantii by Rome in 168 B.C. Moreover, his conclusions do not seem to me to be probable.


It has long been recognised that the dielectric constant of a substance gives an important indication of its constitution, and the classical papers of Nernst and Drude giving methods for the determination of dielectric constants, have been followed by a long series of papers giving the dielectric constants of several hundreds of pure liquids and solutions. Since the publication of Debye’s dipole theory in 1912, the literature of the subject has become even more voluminous than before. In surveying the mass of data one is struck by the very large discrepancies which exist in the values obtained by different observers for any one substance, and it is very difficult to decide whether they are due to the difficulty of pre­paring and purifying the substance, differences in experimental conditions such as frequency of the applied E. M. F., or errors in the methods of measure­ment. In order to make it possible to compare the results of different observers, and to provide a fundamental basis for new measurements, it is important that the value of at least one standard liquid should be known with unquestion­able accuracy. The object of the present investigation was to provide such a value. Benzene was chosen as the standard liquid since it has been very widely used in the past, and it is used as a standard in the measurement of other physical properties.


Author(s):  
Jerome F. D. Creach

“Violence in the Old Testament” may refer generally to the Old Testament’s descriptions of God or human beings killing, destroying, and doing physical harm. As part of the activity of God, violence may include the results of divine judgment, such as God’s destruction of “all flesh” in the flood story (Gen. 6:13) or God raining fire and brimstone on Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. 19:24–25). The expression may also include God’s prescription for and approval of wars such as the conquest of Canaan (Josh. 1–12). Some passages seem to suggest that God is harsh and vindictive and especially belligerent toward non-Israelites (see Exod. 12:29–32; Nahum and Obadiah), though the Old Testament also reports God lashing out against rebellious Israelites as well (Exod. 32:25–29, 35; Josh. 7). Christians have wrestled with divine violence in the Old Testament at least since the 2nd century ce, when Marcion led a movement to reject the Old Testament and the Old Testament God. The movement was substantial enough that key church leaders such as Irenaeus and Tertullian worked to suppress it. In the modern era interpreters have taken up the problem with new vigor and have treated it from fresh perspectives. Some attribute the Old Testament’s accounts of God destroying and killing to the brutality of the society that produced it, but they believe modern people are able to see the matter more clearly. They find support for this view in the apparent acceptance of cruel practices of war by Old Testament authors (Num. 21:1–3; Judg. 1:4–7; 1 Sam. 15). Within this way of reading is also a feminist critique that sees in the Old Testament a general disregard for women, illustrated by some passages that present sexual abuse as well as general subordination of women to men with no explicit judgment on such atrocities (Judg. 19; Ezek. 16, 23). Assessment of the significance of records of or calls for violent acts in the Old Testament are difficult, however, because of the complex literary and canonical context in which such passages appear and because of the incongruity between ancient Israelite culture and the culture(s) of readers today. Studies that compare the Old Testament presentation of violence with that of contemporary ancient Near Eastern nations offer potentially more controlled results. Comparative studies alone, however, cannot account for the multiple layers of tradition that often make up Old Testament references to violence. That is, while Assyrian and Babylonian records of warfare presumably describe what Mesopotamian kings actually did in battle, the Old Testament often reports wars and military conflicts, and the aspirations of the leaders of Judah, from the perspective of a defeated people. Thus, even Judah’s desire to defend itself militarily morphed into an expression of hope in God. Given the complexity of the development of the Old Testament canon, a fruitful and ultimately more accurate way of treating the subject is to determine how ancient Israelites thought about violence and how the subject then affected the overall shape of the Old Testament. A logical starting point in this endeavor is the Hebrew word ḥāmas. This term connotes rebellion against God that results in bloodshed and disorder and a general undoing of God’s intentions for creation. Thus, violence appears to intrude on God’s world, and God acts destructively only to counteract human violence. For example, in Gen. 6:11–13 human violence ruined the earth and thus prompted God to bring the flood as a corrective measure. This way of understanding violence in the Old Testament seems to identify the Old Testament’s own concern of violence and presses a distinction between divine destruction and judgment and human violence. Despite this potentially helpful approach to violence in the Old Testament, many problems persist. One problem is the violent acts that religious zeal prompts. Old Testament characters like Phinehas (Num. 25), Elijah (1 Kgs. 18:39–40; 2 Kgs. 1), and Elisha (2 Kgs. 2:23–25; 9) killed, ordered killing, or participated in killing in order to purify the religious faith and practices of the Israelites. Nevertheless, most texts that contain problems like this also contain complementary or self-corrective passages that give another perspective. The complexity of the material with regard to violence makes it possible to argue that the Old Testament opposes violence and that the ultimate goal, and divine intention, is peace.


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