Comparing the Wilder and Gantt Campaigns: A Model for Black Candidate Success in Statewide Elections

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Ann Strickland ◽  
Marcia Lynn Whicker
Keyword(s):  
Black Candidate

To Run or Not to Run: Estimates of a Black Contender's Delegate Strength at the 1984 Democratic Convention

1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (04) ◽  
pp. 673-677
Author(s):  
James I. Lengle
Keyword(s):  
Black Community ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Black Vote ◽  
Crucial Question ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
Vice Presidency ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Mind

The possibility of a black contender for the Democratic presidential nomination has raised many interesting questions. Has the Democratic Party and its past nominees taken the black vote for granted? Can the black community reach a consensus on a black issue agenda? Can it agree on a candidate? Could a black candidate actually hurt black interests by dividing the liberal vote and throwing the nomination to a more conservative Democratic contender? Could the strategy seriously backfire in other less obvious ways? Do the presumed benefits, both symbolic and real, outweigh the potential costs? Could the threat of a candidacy be just as beneficial to black interests as the candidacy itself? Are there other strategies during the nomination process that could enhance black political power even more?Although the debate has covered a wide range of questions, one crucial question has been ignored: how many delegates could a black presidential contender conceivably win in 1984? While few experts believe that a black contender could win a majority of delegates, many argue that, if the contest is close between two other contenders, blacks could be “kingmakers,” crowning the nominee in exchange for major policy concessions, patronage appointments, and, conceivably, the vice-presidency. If the nomination is not close, then a group of black delegates, at a minimum, would increase substantially black influence on important rules and platform decisions. Hopes based on these or any other convention scenario the mind can devise, however, depend on how well a black contender fares in the race for delegates. The larger his delegation, the more power he can potentially wield at the convention. Conversely, the smaller his delegation, the less power he will have.

scholarly journals Runoff Voters Will Do the Darndest Things: An Analysis of the 2008 Georgia Democratic Senate Runoff

2012 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Scott E. Buchanan
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Black Voter ◽  
Rural Counties ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Black Populations ◽  
Southern Georgia ◽  
Black Voters ◽  
Levels Of Support

Testing the frontrunner loses myth and minority loses myth, this paper examines the 2008 Georgia Democratic Senate runoff between Vernon Jones and Jim Martin. Despite winning 40 per-cent of the primary vote, Jones lost in the runoff to Jim Martin. Methods: We use a variety of data to determine what factors were having the greatest effect on the election. Results: Vernon Jones's strongest support came from the rural counties of central and southern Georgia. While Jones did win high levels of support in counties with large black populations, the fact that Jones was not performing as well in counties in metro Atlanta highlights that controversies surrounding Jones may have been playing a larger role than race. Conclusions: The lack of black voter turnout in the runoff illustrates the problems that even a black candidate has in motivating black voters to return for the runoff.

Conditioned by Race: How Race and Religion Intersect to Affect Candidate Evaluations

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 605-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan McLaughlin ◽  
Bailey A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Online Experiment ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Black Candidates ◽  
Candidate Evaluations ◽  
Racial Cues ◽  
Race And Religion

AbstractWhile it is becoming increasingly clear that religious cues influence voter evaluations in the United States, work examining religious cues has largely overlooked the conditioning role of race. We employed a 2 × 2 (White candidate vs. Black candidate) × (racial cues vs. no racial cues) online experiment with a national sample (N= 397; 56% white, 46% black) where participants were exposed to a fictitious congressional candidate's webpage. Results show that White participants expected the religious candidate to be more conservative, regardless of race, while Black participants did not perceive a difference in ideology between the religious and non-religious Black candidates. Additionally, when it comes to candidate favorability, religious cues matter more to White participants, while racial cues are most important to Black participants. These findings provide evidence that religious and racial cues activate different assumptions among White and Black citizens.

scholarly journals Misinformation and the Justification of Socially Undesirable Preferences

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.J. Flynn ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Test ◽  
Motivated Reasoning ◽  
Psychological Research ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Minority Candidate ◽  
Corrective Information ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractAttempts to correct political misperceptions often fail. The dominant theoretical explanation for this failure comes from psychological research on motivated reasoning. We identify a novel source of motivated reasoning in response to corrective information: the justification of socially undesirable preferences. Further, we demonstrate that this motivation can, under certain conditions, overpower the motivation to maintain congruence. Our empirical test is a national survey experiment that asks participants to reconcile partisan motivations and the motivation to justify voting against a racial minority candidate. Consistent with our argument, racially prejudiced participants dismiss corrections when misinformation is essential to justify voting against a black candidate of their own party, but accept corrections about an otherwise identical candidate of the opposing party. These results provide new insight into the persistence of certain forms of political misinformation.

Cleavages, Coalitions, and the Black Candidate: The Los Angeles Mayoralty Elections of 1969 and 1973

1976 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harlan Hahn ◽  
David Klingman ◽  
Harry Pachon
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Black Candidate

It Takes a Black Candidate

2013 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paru Shah
Keyword(s):  
Black Candidate

scholarly journals The Geography of Black Candidate Electoral Success

2011 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 333-356
Author(s):  
Marcus Allen ◽  
Marvin King
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Racial Attitudes ◽  
State Level ◽  
Black Population ◽  
The State ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
White Racial Attitudes ◽  
Elected Office

In this manuscript, we reexamine claims about the geography of electoral success of African American candidates. Barack Obama’s historic election in 2008 prompted journalists, partisans, and scholars to review prior notions of where African American candidates can successfully contend for elected office. Although Obama’s victory is just an anecdotal national example (albeit an important one), we review the available evidence at the state level to understand what factors might impede African American electoral success. Heretofore, the literature focused on the density of the black population, and the interconnectedness of region and white racial attitudes. This paper shows that these old standbys can no longer explain African American electoral success.

Comparing the Wilder and Gantt Campaigns: A Model for Black Candidate Success in Statewide Elections

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (02) ◽  
pp. 204-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Ann Strickland ◽  
Marcia Lynn Whicker
Keyword(s):  
Black Candidate
Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document