“All for Each and Each for All”: Reflections on Anglo-American and Commonwealth Scientific Cooperation, 1940–1945

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy MacLeod
Keyword(s):  
Atomic Bomb ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The United States ◽  
Academic Science ◽  
Sensitive Information ◽  
Jet Engines ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
Science Diplomacy ◽  
Limited Application ◽  
Anglo American

Twice this century, the wartime mobilization of civilian academic science has been rightly recognized as one of the most remarkable achievements of Britain, the Commonwealth, and the United States. If the first world war demonstrated the Empire's “strength in unity,” the second placed far greater demands on Allied and imperial resources in research, development, and supply. Where the first war witnessed a limited application of scientific advice, on request, and in response to limited problems, the second saw scientists and engineers develop an enormous range of technologies, frequently ahead of military requirements. In the course of the scientific war, new principles of liaison emerged, replacing peacetime practices of professional and institutional coordination. Imperial relations fostered by peacetime bureaux devoted to natural products and industrial research were overtaken by new, larger, and more powerful ministries devoted to supply and production. In certain respects, the demands of science began to drive imperial policy, weaving a fabric of relationships that survived to influence Commonwealth and international science diplomacy well after the war had ended.At an official level, these were among the most apparent outcomes of imperial science at war. The principal technical results of Allied collaboration—in radar, jet engines, the atomic bomb, for example—are well known. However, beneath myriad homerics of technical and organizational triumphs resides an equally important legacy of imperial rhetoric, symbol, and metaphor, in which the discourses of imperial science and commonwealth became re-examined and revalorized. The respective roles of the “metropolis” and the “periphery”—the geometries of Empire—were redefined by decisions that governed the supply of raw materials, the sharing of sensitive information, and the development of weapons.

Transitions

2019 ◽  
pp. 96-121
Author(s):  
Vince Houghton
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Atomic Bomb ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Research Effort ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Research Facilities ◽  
Second World ◽  
Gain Access

The fourth chapter discusses the American intelligence shift in focus from the German atomic bomb program to the atomic research effort of the Soviet Union. Alsos scientists were eventually convinced that the German atomic bomb program was far behind that of the United States, and would not be a factor in the Second World War. However, Alsos was kept in Europe to ensure that the Soviet Union did not gain access to German atomic resources. This meant capturing German scientists, occupying German research facilities and laboratories, and capturing German raw materials and industrial centers. In some cases, when it became apparent that Allied forces would not be able to reach certain areas before Soviet forces arrived, Groves utilized the conventional forces of the U.S. Army and the covert forces of the OSS to destroy the resource to ensure it could not be of benefit to the Soviets.

scholarly journals The Shade of the Saguaro / La sombra del saguaro

2013 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Art History ◽  
The United States ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
Sensitive Topics ◽  
University Of Arizona ◽  
Literary Cultures ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Object Of Study ◽  
Different Cultures

This volume springs from that fruitful project of scientific cooperation between the humanities departments of Università di Firenze and University of Arizona which was the Forum for the Study of the Literary Cultures of the Southwest (2000-2007). Tri-cultural, at least (Native, Hispanic and Anglo-American), and multi-lingual, today’s Southwest presents a complex coexistence of different cultures, the equal of which would be hard to find elsewhere in the United States. Of this virtually inexhaustible object of study, the essays here collected tackle an ample range of themes. While the majority of them are concerned with the literatures of the Southwest, still a good third falls into the fields of history, art history, ethnography, sociology or cultural studies. They are partitioned in four sections, the first three reflecting the chronology of the stratification of the three major cultures and the fourth highlighting one of the most sensitive topics in and about contemporary Southwest – the borderlands/la frontera.

GREAT BRITAIN, THE UNITED STATES, AND CONSULTATION OVER USE OF THE ATOMIC BOMB, 1950–1954

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 797-828 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTHEW JONES
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Atomic Bomb ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Anglo American

ABSTRACTThe subject of when nuclear weapons might have to be employed by the United States during the early Cold War period was the setting for a prolonged and uneasy dialogue within the Anglo-American relationship. While British governments pressed for a formal agreement that there should be prior consultation before the atomic bomb was ever used, the Americans were determined to retain the freedom to take this crucial decision alone. This article explores the debates that ensued and the tensions that were created by this issue, between the meetings of Attlee and Truman in December 1950 and the Indochina crisis of 1954, and highlights the contrasting geopolitical positions of Britain and the United States as they sought to reconcile their views. For the British, playing host to a clutch of important US airbases, the risk of early nuclear devastation in any outbreak of general war was a paramount consideration. Although impatient with British caution, the Americans recognized an overriding need for allied support in general war giving British views the capacity to exercise a restraining influence.

scholarly journals Preparing Scientists for Science Diplomacy Requires New Science Policy Bridges

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 424-434
Author(s):  
Meredith L. Gore ◽  
Elizabeth S. Nichols ◽  
Karen R. Lips
Keyword(s):  
Science Policy ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Academic Science ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
New Science ◽  
Science Diplomacy ◽  
Science Advice ◽  
Global Problems ◽  
Policy Challenge

Summary Differences between the outputs of academic science and those of science policy contribute to a critical science-policy challenge — the inability of academia to sufficiently value either the outputs of the policy process as comparable to academic outputs, or the expertise required to maintain and develop policy. Few colleges and universities in the United States adequately prepare students to become scientists with expertise operating in science-policy spaces. Consequently, most academic scientists lack sufficient training in the policy process, exposure to science diplomacy and capacity to deliver science advice. Science-policy relationships are more than the dichotomised paradox of politicisation of science and the scientisation of politics. Adjustments in how scientists teach, research and engage with policy and policy-makers are necessary to better prepare future generations to address global problems. This article describes currency variances used in these two ecosystems and identifies opportunities to better support science-policy collaborations for more effective research, teaching and service.

scholarly journals Supporting Implementation of the Arctic Science Agreement

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-58
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Knowledge ◽  
The United States ◽  
Common Interest ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
Close Coupling ◽  
Effective Implementation ◽  
Science Diplomacy ◽  
Arctic Science

The Arctic Science Agreement entered into force on 23 May 2018 with the Kingdom of Denmark as the depositary is now the third binding legal agreement among all eight Arctic states since 2011, arising with shared leadership from the United States and Russian Federation as co-chairs of the three preceding task forces. The Arctic Science Agreement recognizes the “excellent existing scientific cooperation already under way in many organizations” with the International Arctic Science Committee (IASC) as well as IASSA, UArctic and indigenous knowledge institutions among many others. However, as suggested in a November 2017 policy forum published in the journal Science: “effective implementation of the agreement will require its associated networks (including IASC, UArctic, IASSA, and partner organizations) to help strengthen research and education across borders.” Objective of this panel dialogue is to consider how the scientific community can best assist to achieve effective implementation of the Artic Science Agreement, with strategies such as: • Creation of a communication network with researchers that would aid government officials with their implementation of the Arctic Science Agreement; • Application of an information campaign to alert the broader Arctic research community about the Arctic Science Agreement; or • Development of case studies that might the trigger applications of the Arctic Science Agreement, such as with the Multidisciplinary Drifting Observatory for the Study of Arctic Climate – MOSAiC – project starting in 2019 with more than 120 M Euros across the international consortium. This session also builds on earlier dialogues, including with the International Science Initiative in the Russia Arctic (ISIRA) in Moscow (November 2017) and in Davos (June 2018) as well as in the Ambassadorial Panel on Arctic Science Diplomacy at the 2018 UArctic Congress last month in Oulu, leading into the 2nd Arctic Science Ministerial next week. The Arctic Science Agreement has the potential to be international, interdisciplinary and inclusive (aspiring to be holistic), bridging the natural sciences and social sciences as well as indigenous knowledge with their different methodologies, all of which reveal patterns and trends that are the bases for informed decision-making – integrating questions, data, evidence and options with science as the ‘study of change.’ Importantly, the Arctic Science Agreement reflects a common interest to enhance scientific cooperation even when diplomatic channels among nations are unstable, recognizing first "the importance of maintaining peace, stability, and constructive cooperation in the Arctic.” Such science diplomacy underlies decisions about governance mechanisms and built infrastructure that require close coupling to achieve progress with sustainable development, which is recognized as a ‘common Arctic issue’ by the eight Arctic states and six Indigenous peoples organizations in the Ottawa Declaration that established the Arctic Council in 1996. Translating the general language of the Arctic Science Agreement into enhanced action, however, requires continuous collaboration among diplomatic and scientific communities. This panel is at the early stages of this journey. Each of the panellists will provide 3-minute opening remarks with their written versions to be compiled in a publication of Science Diplomacy Action as a legacy of this dialogue. Following these opening interventions, there will be interactions among the panelists followed by their exchanges with the audience. The Arctic Science Agreement is a special step into OUR COMMON FUTURE with hope and inspiration across generations. It now gives me great pleasure to introduce the panelists in the order of their presentations.

Australia—The Hidden Jewel

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahesh K. Joshi ◽  
J.R. Klein
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Value Chain ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Manufacturing Sector ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Dutch Disease

The twenty-first century is being touted as the Asian century. With its stable economy, good governance, education system, and above all the abundant natural resources, will Australia to take its place in the global economy by becoming more entrepreneurial and accelerating its rate of growth, or will it get infected with the so-called Dutch disease? It has been successful in managing trade ties with fast-developing economies like China and India as well as developed countries like the United States. It has participated in the growth of China by providing iron ore and coal. Because it is a low-risk country, it has enabled inflow of large foreign capital investments. A lot will depend on its capability and willingness to invest the capital available in entrepreneurial ventures, its ability to capture the full value chain of natural resources, and to export the finished products instead of raw materials, while building a robust manufacturing sector.

The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and Other European Fora on Migration

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-590
Author(s):  
Jan Niessen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
Prevention Center ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
General Secretary

In the 1970s, during the Cold War era, European and North American states began a dialogue in Helsinki which became known as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), or the Helsinki process. For Western states the CSCE served as a platform to raise questions related to security in Europe and the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Eastern European states considered the CSCE as a means to secure the postwar borders and an opportunity to discuss economic and scientific cooperation. Today, 51 European States, plus the United States of America and Canada, participate in this process. Notwithstanding the many and often intense political tensions between the West and the East during those twenty years, quite a number of conferences, seminars and other meetings were held and a great many agreements were adopted and documents issued, dealing with matters related to CSCE's three main areas of concern: security in Europe; cooperation in the fields of economics, science, technology and environment; the promotion of human rights. In response to the fundamental changes in Europe in the late 1980s, the CSCE was given a new impetus and its operational framework was broadened. CSCE offices were established in Prague (CSCE Secretariat), Vienna (Conflict Prevention Center) and Warsaw (Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights) with the aim to strengthen and monitor compliance with CSCE commitments, especially in the area of human rights. A Parliamentary Assembly was established and met twice, first in Budapest and then in Helsinki. A General Secretary and a High Commissioner on Minorities were appointed, with offices in Vienna and The Hague, respectively.

scholarly journals Comparative Study of the Properties of Wood Flour and Wood Pellets Manufactured from Secondary Processing Mill Residues

Polymers ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (15) ◽  
pp. 2487
Author(s):  
Geeta Pokhrel ◽  
Yousoo Han ◽  
Douglas J. Gardner
Keyword(s):  
Moisture Content ◽  
Bulk Density ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Wood Flour ◽  
The United States ◽  
Red Maple ◽  
Wood Pellets ◽  
Secondary Processing ◽  
Material Costs ◽  
Mill Residues

The generation of secondary processing mill residues from wood processing facilities is extensive in the United States. Wood flour can be manufactured utilizing these residues and an important application of wood flour is as a filler in the wood–plastic composites (WPCs). Scientific research on wood flour production from mill residues is limited. One of the greatest costs involved in the supply chain of WPCs manufacturing is the transportation cost. Wood flour, constrained by low bulk densities, is commonly transported by truck trailers without attaining allowable weight limits. Because of this, shipping costs often exceed the material costs, consequently increasing raw material costs for WPC manufacturers and the price of finished products. A bulk density study of wood flour (190–220 kg/m3) and wood pellets (700–750 kg/m3) shows that a tractor-trailer can carry more than three times the weight of pellets compared to flour. Thus, this study focuses on exploring the utilization of mill residues from four wood species in Maine to produce raw materials for manufacturing WPCs. Two types of raw materials for the manufacture of WPCs, i.e., wood flour and wood pellets, were produced and a study of their properties was performed. At the species level, red maple 40-mesh wood flour had the highest bulk density and lowest moisture content. Spruce-fir wood flour particles were the finest (dgw of 0.18 mm). For all species, the 18–40 wood flour mesh size possessed the highest aspect ratio. Similarly, on average, wood pellets manufactured from 40-mesh particles had a lower moisture content, higher bulk density, and better durability than the pellets from unsieved wood flour. Red maple pellets had the lowest moisture content (0.12%) and the highest bulk density (738 kg/m3). The results concluded that the processing of residues into wood flour and then into pellets reduced the moisture content by 76.8% and increased the bulk density by 747%. These material property parameters are an important attempt to provide information that can facilitate the more cost-efficient transport of wood residue feedstocks over longer distances.

The Anti-Aryan Moment: Decolonization, Diplomacy, and Race in Late Pahlavi Iran

2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-702
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Cold War

In 1946, the entertainer and activist Paul Robeson pondered America's intentions in Iran. In what was to become one of the first major crises of the Cold War, Iran was fighting a Soviet aggressor that did not want to leave. Robeson posed the question, “Is our State Department concerned with protecting the rights of Iran and the welfare of the Iranian people, or is it concerned with protecting Anglo-American oil in that country and the Middle East in general?” This was a loaded question. The US was pressuring the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops after its occupation of the country during World War II. Robeson wondered why America cared so much about Soviet forces in Iranian territory, when it made no mention of Anglo-American troops “in countries far removed from the United States or Great Britain.” An editorial writer for a Black journal in St. Louis posed a different variant of the question: Why did the American secretary of state, James F. Byrnes, concern himself with elections in Iran, Arabia or Azerbaijan and yet not “interfere in his home state, South Carolina, which has not had a free election since Reconstruction?”

Anglo-american policy in Greece (1946-50)

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Spero Simeon Zachary Paravantes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Current Financial Crisis ◽  
Post War

While trying to understand and explain the origins and dynamics of Anglo-American foreign policy in the pre and early years of the Cold War, the role thatperception played in the design and implementation of foreign policy became acentral focus. From this point came the realization of a general lack of emphasisand research into the ways in which the British government managed to convincethe United States government to assume support for worldwide British strategicobjectives. How this support was achieved is the central theme of this dissertation.This work attempts to provide a new analysis of the role that the British played in the dramatic shift in American foreign policy from 1946 to 1950. Toachieve this shift (which also included support of British strategic interests in theEastern Mediterranean) this dissertation argues that the British used Greece, first asa way to draw the United States further into European affairs, and then as a way toanchor the United States in Europe, achieving a guarantee of security of theEastern Mediterranean and of Western Europe.To support these hypotheses, this work uses mainly the British andAmerican documents relating to Greece from 1946 to 1950 in an attempt to clearlyexplain how these nations made and implemented policy towards Greece duringthis crucial period in history. In so doing it also tries to explain how Americanforeign policy in general changed from its pre-war focus on non-intervention, to the American foreign policy to which the world has become accustomed since 1950. To answer these questions, I, like the occupying (and later intervening)powers did, must use Greece as an example. In this, I hope that I may be forgivensince unlike them, I intend not to make of it one. My objectives for doing so lie notin justifying policy, but rather in explaining it. This study would appear to havespecial relevance now, not only for the current financial crisis which has placedGreece once again in world headlines, but also for the legacy of the Second WorldWar and the post-war strife the country experienced which is still playing out todaywith examples like the Distomo massacre, German war reparations and on-goingsocial, academic and political strife over the legacy of the Greek Civil War.

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