Viewing the Scaffold from Istanbul: The Bendysh-Hyde Affair, 1647–1651

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Charles Fissel ◽  
Daniel Goffman

Slightly more than two years after the decapitation of Charles I, the Commonwealth of England inflicted the same punishment on the same block against his follower, Sir Henry Hyde. The failure to reach a settlement in the aftermath of the British civil war led to the king's beheading. Explaining Hyde's execution, however, requires a geographically broader context, for Sir Henry undertook his treasonable activities against the overseas interests of the English Commonwealth and Sir Thomas Bendysh, who had served as English ambassador in Istanbul since 1647, when he assumed the role of protector of English merchants. Although Bendysh later quarreled with his charges, the unexpected appearance of Henry Hyde in Istanbul in 1650 rallied the merchants behind him, for Hyde represented to them a return to the recent past, with its governmental interference and royal regulation of commercial activity. His presence also forced merchants to choose sides, thereby transposing upon Levantine commerce the divisions that had emerged during the civil war. Just as most Company members supported Parliament, so did their factors in the Levant back Bendysh, a known quantity, a clever negotiator, and a pragmatist. In his brief tenure, Bendysh had proven his ability to strike bargains with the Ottomans and stimulate commerce. He also personified the interests of the Council of State and the Levant Company directors, thereby linking the disparate but inter-dependent network of Levantine commerce.

Author(s):  
W. B. Patterson

Fuller’s Church-History reflects his own experiences of revolution. Its last part is one of the earliest accounts of the Civil War era, antedating accounts by Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, and Thomas Hobbes. He begins with divisions in the English Church during Queen Elizabeth’s reign and proceeds with events in his own lifetime, especially in the reign of Charles I. He sees the Caroline political and ecclesiastical regime, especially the role of Archbishop Laud, as having alienated many nonconformists, as well as provoking the Scots to attack. The trial and execution of King Charles following the defeat of the royalist cause is somber. The Church-History cites reasons for the regime’s failure that have often been overlooked. Responses to the work by Peter Heylyn were followed by Fuller’s detailed, anguished, and determined reply. Fuller’s contemporary analysis of one the great upheavals in British history is a striking account of what happened and why.


Author(s):  
K.S. Bacherikov

This article investigates the processes that took place among the English royalists after their defeat in the Civil War and the execution of King Charles I Stuart, as well as the emergence of their conspiracy movement for the restoration of the monarchy in England, namely, it examines the activities of such organizations of supporters of the monarchical form of government in England, as the “Western Association of Royalists”. In addition, the article studies the factors contributing to the failures of royalist organizations at the beginning of their activity against the regime of the Independent Republic, such as: passivity of supporters of King Charles II, their indecision, lack of a single control center, which entailed a low level of the participants’ actions coordination in the movement, lack of intelligence network, the refusal of France and the Netherlands to support the royalists, as well as the active opposition to their activities by the authorities of the Commonwealth of Eng-land. The role of the head of intelligence of the Independent Republic - Thomas Scott, who created the intelligence network, which carried out its activities against royalists not only in England, but also in royalist circles in exile in the kingdom of France, as well as in the Netherlands, stands out separately.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kaliel

The articles published in our Fall 2016 edition are connected loosely under the themes of public memory and the uses of identity in the past. We are thrilled to present to you three excellent articles in our Fall 2016 edition: The article "Dentro de la Revolución: Mobilizing the Artist in Alfredo Sosa Bravo's Libertad, Cultura, Igualdad (1961)" analyzes Cuban artwork as multi-layered work of propaganda whose conditions of creation, content, and exhibition reinforce a relationship of collaboration between artists and the state-run cultural institutions of post-revolutionary Cuba; moving through fifty years of history “’I Shall Never Forget’: The Civil War in American Historical Memory, 1863-1915" provides a captivating look at the role of reconciliationist and emancipationist intellectuals, politicians, and organizations as they contested and shaped the enduring memory of the Civil War; and finally, the article “Politics as Metis Ethnogenesis in Red River: Instrumental Ethnogenesis in the 1830s and 1840s in Red River” takes the reader through a historical analysis of the development of the Metis identity as a means to further their economic rights. We wholly hope you enjoy our Fall 2016 edition as much as our staff has enjoyed curating it. Editors  Jean Middleton and Emily Kaliel Assistant Editors Magie Aiken and Hannah Rudderham Senior Reviewers Emily Tran Connor Thompson Callum McDonald James Matiko Bronte Wells


Author(s):  
Jaroslav Tir ◽  
Johannes Karreth

After summarizing the theoretical arguments and findings of this book, we discuss key lessons learned from our study. The international environment has a significant influence on civil war development and prevention. Amplifying their conflict-preventing influence on member-states, highly structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) often coordinate their activities, especially in the area of political violence and state fragility. We then identify a number of tangible, economic incentives as the main pathways of this influence. Overall, this book suggests that the economic benefits of peace provide a potent temptation—for both governments and rebels—to settle low-level armed conflict before it can escalate to full-scale civil war. With these lessons learned, we also identify suggestions for both the research into and practice of conflict management. The chapter closes by pointing to opportunities for making use of our findings to further capitalize on the role of highly structured IGOs in civil war prevention.


Author(s):  
Sarah Paoletti

This chapter addresses the rights of migrant and refugee children who increasingly are forced into migration, either alone or with members of their family, due to violence, civil war, poverty, economic degradation, and other often-intersecting factors. While addressing the rights and obligations set forth in the Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international and regional human rights instruments, the chapter further seeks to bring attention to the complexity and fluidity of migration and the motives that spurn migration; the role of family in serving the child’s best interests; and the scope of considerations that must be accounted for in seeking to ensure that the next generation of immigrants is positioned to thrive.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (6/7) ◽  
pp. 582-609 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hairul Azlan Annuar ◽  
Hafiz Majdi Abdul Rashid

Purpose – The purpose of this study is to ascertain the control role of independent non-executive directors (INEDs) in Malaysian public listed companies (PLCs), as prescribed in the Malaysian Code on Corporate Governance (MCCG).The MCCG (2000) requires substantive involvement of INEDs on the audit, nomination and remuneration board sub-committees. The study also examines the effectiveness of INEDs in discharging their monitoring roles in these sub-committees. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative research design consisting of a series of interviews with board members of Malaysian-owned PLCs on the board of Bursa Malaysia was used. Findings – Interviews with 27 company directors reveal that, due to their independence, INEDs are crucial in safeguarding the interests of smaller investors if situations arise in which shareholders’ interests may be threatened. The interviews also disclose that the audit committee possesses the most authority among the sub-committees, as it derives its power not only from the Listing Requirements but also from statute, as well as being involved in areas of the company not traditionally associated with the committee. The study also reveals the differences in opinion between executive directors and INEDs with regard to the extent of INEDs’ effectiveness. Research limitations/implications – This research utilises interviews. Generalisation may be an issue when interviews are used as the method of inquiry. In addition, the sample is not random, as access to many directors is dependent on recommendations. In addition, the respondents have been consciously selected to cover various board positions, including independent and non-independent directors. Practical implications – The findings from this research suggest that INEDs are able to discharge their responsibilities in overseeing the conduct of executives and protecting the interests of investors. In addition, the interviews disclose that the effectiveness of INEDs depends on how non-executive directors view INEDs being on the board. Rather than focusing solely on their control role, INEDS are expected to have a more proactive and progressive role in ensuring sustainable growth and the expansion of the business entity. Originality/value – There are limited studies using qualitative research design in investigating the effectiveness of INEDs in the control role of the board in developing countries. Prior studies were predominantly based upon the experience of Western economies.


1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 74-83
Author(s):  
S. Byron Tarr

This is a Liberian perspective on the unique initiative by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the Liberian conflict by organizing and deploying a Peace Monitoring Group in Liberia. It considers whether ECOWAS’ initiative can become a self-reliant security system that can end a civil war and institutionalize deterrence to subregional inter-state and internal conflicts. Can this self-generated, West African initiative set the stage for democratization? Is the initiative the start of an inter-African cooperative security system? Is the model of Nigerian leadership a harbinger of a regional hegemony in the making? Is the modest role of the USA constructive in resolving the conflict, in light of the fact that Liberia is a country with which the USA has had an historic relationship?


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