Sandra Stanley Holton. Feminism and Democracy: Women's Suffrage and Reform Politics in Britain 1900–1918. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1986. Pp. xi, 201. $37.50.

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-140
Author(s):  
Dina M. Copelman
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
Reform Politics ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

A Fundamental Component

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
New York State ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
York State ◽  
Racial Relations ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

This chapter looks at the story of black women in the New York State woman suffrage movement, which is marked by strained racial relations and exclusionary practices. Black women, like white women, saw the vote as a panacea, able to solve their specific problems relating to racial violence, education, employment, and workers' rights. Although white women seldom invited black women to join in their suffrage activities, black women found ways to advance the cause and participate in the movement. Indeed, pervasive racism complicated black women's suffrage activism, but it cannot diminish their contributions to mainstream suffragism. Rarely separating women's political rights from other fundamental rights, black women's suffrage activism showed creativity and ingenuity and did not always mirror white women's activist strategies. Ultimately, black women's influence on black male voters helped secure women's political enfranchisement in New York State.

Suffrage and the New Negro in the Black Public Sphere

2020 ◽  
pp. 98-114
Author(s):  
Jane Rhodes
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War I ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
New Negro ◽  
Black Liberation ◽  
Black Public Sphere ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

The era immediately following World War I was tumultuous for African American communities, with its widespread backlash against black American soldiers, urban antiblack violence and riots, and lynching. The black press, which conveyed the communities’ sense of anxiety and grievance, was critical to the formation and maintenance of a radical black counterpublic—a formation that operated outside the mainstream public sphere. While some black publications stayed on the margins of radical politics, this chapter shows that others embraced more militant ideas and strategies. Socialism and the Communist Party held special sway for some African Americans seeking a way out of their social, economic, and political isolation. A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, who founded The Messenger in New York in 1917, supported woman suffrage and promised to help women make the most profitable and desirable use of the ballot. The Messenger’s editors viewed black women’s suffrage as part of a larger political and social transformation that would give the masses a voice and equal opportunity. W. E. B. Du Bois also articulated strong “profeminist” politics in the pages of The Crisis, promoting women’s suffrage as a key element in the quest for black liberation.

scholarly journals "Chinese Girl Wants Vote"

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Grace Li
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Political History ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Chinese Exclusion ◽  
Chinese Girl ◽  
Exclusion Act ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

American suffrage history is dominated by white suffragettes; however, this essay aims to bring to light another vibrant dimension of the American women’s suffrage movement. Mabel Ping-Hua Lee turned tides when she marched horseback at a women’s suffrage parade at the age of sixteen, and further entrenched herself as a prominent Asian-American suffragette as she continued to fight for women’s suffrage throughout her lifetime, although the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 barred her and all Chinese people from voting or obtaining citizenship until the act was repealed in 1943. This article explores many dimensions of Mabel through several of her primary environmental and personal influences, from Guangzhou, China to New York City’s Chinatown, which all shaped her into an admirable, and selfless social justice advocate that claims an unforgettable chapter in American and Asian-American political history.

scholarly journals WHO WON WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE? A CASE FOR “MERE MEN”

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-367
Author(s):  
Johanna Neuman
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Progressive Era ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
White House ◽  
American Women ◽  
The Public ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

Scholars of women's suffrage have long debated credit, a meditation on which leaders won the campaign to enfranchise American women. Many argue that victory came because of Alice Paul's militancy in picketing the White House. Others insist it was Carrie Chapman Catt's pragmatism in winning state victories. Still others note that both were needed, a political “one-two punch” of strategic effectiveness. This article suggests that one contingent often excluded from this narrative is men. Male suffragists are often portrayed as driven more by a hunger for quixotic political or sexual adventure, or by a chivalrous posture toward women. Examining the records of the New York Men's League for Woman Suffrage and the archival footprints male suffragists left behind, this article argues that whatever their motives, male suffragists made palatable to other men the once radical notion that women could join the coarse, corrupt, and cigar-filled world of politics without losing their femininity—or robbing men of their virility. By their very activism, they conditioned the public to see women—and men—beyond the gendered construct of the domestic sphere and in the light of the interest politics that dominated the Progressive Era.

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