Thomas Arundel and the Baronial Party Under Henry IV

1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-149
Author(s):  
John W. Dahmus
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Medieval History ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way ◽  
The Revolution

In July 1399, the exiled Henry of Lancaster returned to England with the exiled archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, and a few followers and successfully wrested the English throne from Richard II. Historians have long debated the events of the revolution of 1399 and Henry's subsequent reign. In the last century Stubbs argued that Henry “had risen by advocating constitutional principles” and had “made the validity of a parliamentary title indispensable to royalty.” Lapsley, on the other hand, claims that it was Henry's followers, not Henry, who promoted parliamentary power; they tried to force a parliamentary title on him, but to no avail. McFarlane agrees with Lapsley that Henry was not inspired by constitutional principles; rather Henry “duped” and “outwitted” his followers in his successful usurpation of the crown.McFarlane goes on to describe a baronial opposition to Henry which was led by Thomas Arundel. In his Cambridge Medieval History article on the Lancastrian kings, he writes: “At the beginning of the new reign he [Thomas Arundel] seemed to stand with the Percies and other noble supporters of the revolution for the preponderance of the baronage in the affairs of the realm.… In Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights this interpretation is somewhat qualified: If we may judge from the speech with which he [Arundel] opened the first Parliament of the new reign he stood for what may be called the traditional baronial theory of government. The government he said, would not be “by the voluntary purpose or singular opinion” of the king alone but by “the advice, counsel and consent” of “the honourable wise and discreet persons of his realm.” This was as much a warning to Henry as a manifesto on his behalf.McFarlane adds that Arundel was “evidently not altogether happy at the way the new king was already behaving.” He and Henry “only gradually … came together.”

The Relationship Between Political Language and Political Reality

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 20-27
Author(s):  
Jean Bethke Elshtain
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Albert Camus ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way ◽  
The Revolution

Albert Camus' ironic judge-penitent, Jean-Baptiste Clemence, remarks to his compatriot in the seedy bar, Mexico City, in a shadowy district of Amsterdam, the mist rising off the canals, the fog rolling in, cheap gin the only source of warmth, “Somebody has to have the last word. Otherwise, every reason can be answered with another one and there would never be an end to it. Power, on the other hand, settles everything. It took time, but we finally realized that. For instance, you must have noticed that our old Europe at last philosophizes in the right way. We no longer say as in simple times: ‘This is the way I think. What are your objections?’ We have become lucid. For the dialogue we have substituted the communique: ‘This is the truth,’ we say. You can discuss it as much as you want; we aren't interested. But in a few years there'll be the police who will show you we are right.”Now this is still an imperfect method of control—the enforcers are clearly identified and the coercion is too obvious. Not so in Orwell's1984. As Syme, the chilling destroyer of language proclaims: “It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words.” Speaking to Orwell's protagonist Winston Smith, Syme continues: “Don't you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought. In the end we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it. Every concept that can ever be needed will be expressed by exactlyoneword, with its meaning rigidly defined and all its subsidiary meanings rubbed out and forgotten…. Every year fewer and fewer words, and the range of consciousness always a little smaller. Even now, of course, there's no reason or excuse for committing thoughtcrime. It's merely a question of self-discipline, reality control. But in the end there won't be any need even for that. The Revolution will be complete when the language is perfect.”

scholarly journals Peranan Pangreh Praja di Tanah Partikelir Batavia 1900-1942

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Siswantari Siswantari
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Dutch Colonial ◽  
The Revolution

Abstrak Penelitian ini membahas tentang peranan pangreh pradja di tanah partikelir di Batavia. Pendapat para ahli selama ini lebih banyak mengungkapkan bahwa Pangreh Pradja menjalani peranan dualisme, disatu pihak kedudukannya merupakan bagian dari pemerintah Kolonial Belanda, namun dipihak lain kedudukannya merupakan bagian dari struktur kekuasaan tuan tanah. Karena itu Pangreh Pradja lebih condong untuk memperhatikan kepentingan tuan tanah. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan di tanah partekelir, Pangreh Pradja menjadi sasaran kemarahan petani, seperti kasus pemberontakan di Condet dan Tanggerang. Wilayah Batavia hampir keseluruhannya merupakan tanah partikelir, yang menarik di tanah ini bahwa tidak semuanya di tanah partikelir Batavia terjadi pemberontakan petani. Dari penelitian penulis dapat diketahui bahwa tidak semua pada tanah partikelir Batavia terjadi pemberontakan,  disebabkan lokasi tanah partikelir di Batavia dekat dengan pemerintah pusat. Karena itu masalah keamanan dan kesejahteraan penduduk didalamnya menjadi sorotan pemerintah, yang membuat  Pangreh Pradja kinerjanya sangat disorot pemerintah. Hal lainnya yang menyebabkan tidak terjadinya pemberontakan di tanah partikelir adalah: Untuk kasus tanah partikelir Kebayoran, yang diangkat menjadi kepala desa adalah ulama yang dihormati---Abstract This article discusses about the role of pangreh pradja in tanah partikelir Batavia. Most of the experts tend to exposed that Pangreh Pradja had dualism role, on the one hand his role as part of Dutch colonial, on the other hand he also had role as the landlord. That is why he tent to show his attention for the landlord.  When the revolt broke out in tanah partikelir, Pangreh Pradja became the victim of the farmer hatred, such as the revolt in Condet and Tangerang. Most of the Batavia were nearly became Tanah Partikelir, where not all the land in Batavia had occured revolution done by farmers. From this article, the writer found that not all tanah partikelir in Batavia had occured revolution. It is becaused the location of tanah partikelir Batavia was near from central government. Therefore, the security and prosperity of people became the main focus of the government, which attract government for Pangreh Pradja role. The other things which avoid revolution in tanah partikelir Batavia: for this case Tanah Partikelir Kebayoran, which was appointed as the head of village was the respected ulama. So that the revolution can be avoided.DOI : 10.5281/zenodo.556798

scholarly journals THE INERTIA OF THE REVOLUTION OR JUST THE BEGINNING: G. MORRIS ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF THE XVIII CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (7(57)) ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
Daria Andreevna Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The Other ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Xviii Century ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

The diary of G. Morris is valuable on the history of the French Revolution of the XVIII century, in particular on the problems of salon life in France, biographies of some outstanding personalities (Talleyrand, Lafayette, Necker). The article mainly focuses on the interpretation of events by the author of the diary — G. Morris, a revolutionary, politician, orator and a recognized authority in the circle of the upper class. G. Morris not only gives a chronology of the history of the revolution, but also rethinks this experience, which has become the subject for the study of this article. To reveal the topic, a question was raised, to which G. Morris indirectly gives an answer. The inertia of the revolution or just the beginning? Will there be a continuation of the revolutionary events or will it come to naught? And Morris was largely right when he said that the revolution did not achieve what was originally planned – freedom, which means that its work is not finished, but on the other hand, although the tension did not completely disappear, it was smoothed out by the activities of the government.

Ibn-Ul-Arabi's Cultural Environment that Influenced Him

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Assist. Prof. Dr. Kazım Yıldırım
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Cultural Environment ◽  
Ibn Rushd ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

The cultural environment of Ibn al-Arabi is in Andalusia, Spain today. There, on the one hand, Sufism, on the other hand, thinks like Ibn Bacce (Death.1138), Ibn Tufeyl (Death186), Ibn Rushd (Death.1198) and the knowledge and philosophy inherited by scholars, . Ibn al-Arabi (1165-1240), that was the effect of all this; But more mystic (mystic) circles came out of the way. This work, written by Ibn al-Arabi's works (especially Futuhati Mekkiye), also contains a very small number of other relevant sources.

MEMBANGUN PENDIDIKAN KARAKTER SEJAK USIA DINI

Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Character Education ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Early Age ◽  
National Education ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.

THE “REVOLUTION” IN FINANCIAL REPORTING THEORY: A KUHNIAN INTERPRETATION

1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Mouck
Keyword(s):  
Financial Reporting ◽  
Subsequent Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Research Problems ◽  
Market Economics ◽  
Economic Income ◽  
The Revolution

A Kuhnian perspective is used to explain the transition in financial reporting theory from an “economic income perspective” to an “informational perspective” (a transition that Beaver refers to as a “revolution”), and to examine the subsequent development of the latter. The demise of the economic income perspective (represented by the normative a priorists) is attributed to the lack of a paradigm which could serve to identify research problems and provide methodological guidance. The success of the informational paradigm, on the other hand, is attributed to the fact that it was, in essence, a sub-paradigm of the broader and well-established market economics paradigm. The study concludes, however, with a discussion of two types of persistent anomalous findings (the first with respect to the EMH and the second with respect to the CAPM) that have the potential to generate a crisis for the informational paradigm.

Historical Writing in the Balkans

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulf Brunnbauer
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The Other ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter analyzes historiography in several Balkan countries, paying particular attention to the communist era on the one hand, and the post-1989–91 period on the other. When communists took power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1944–5, the discipline of history in these countries—with the exception of Albania—had already been institutionalized. The communists initially set about radically changing the way history was written in order to construct a more ideologically suitable past. In 1989–91, communist dictatorships came to an end in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Albania. Years of war and ethnic cleansing would ensue in the former Yugoslavia. These upheavals impacted on historiography in different ways: on the one hand, the end of communist dictatorship brought freedom of expression; on the other hand, the region faced economic displacement.

Timber

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Charles Taylor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Forestry Sector ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Timber Market

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.

Party and the Augustan Constitution, 1694-1716: Politics and the Power of the Executive

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.

Ibsen and the Irish Theatre

1990 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Katharine Worth
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Psychological Process ◽  
Dramatic Literature ◽  
Social Activities ◽  
Irish Theatre ◽  
Lady Gregory ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
George Moore ◽  
Irish School ◽  
The Way

The Irish Literary Theatre, from which a new Irish theatre was to develop, came to birth at the very point when Ibsen was about to depart from the European theatrical scene. His last play, When We Dead Awaken, appeared in 1899, the year in which Yeats's The Countess Cathleen and Edward Martyn's The Heather Field were produced in Dublin. They were the first fruits of the resolve taken by the two playwrights, with Lady Gregory and George Moore, to ‘build up a Celtic and Irish school of dramatic literature’ and they offered decidedly different foretastes of what that ‘school’ might bring forth. Yeats declared himself an adherent of a poetic theatre that would use fantasy, vision and dream without regard for the limits set by the realistic convention. Martyn, on the other hand, was clearly following Ibsen in his careful observance of day-to-day probability. The central symbol of his play, the heather field, represents an obscure psychological process which might have received more ‘inward’ treatment. But instead it is fitted into a pattern of social activities in something like the way of the prosaically functional but symbolic orphanage in Ghosts.

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