Ethics in Developing Economies of Asia

1997 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akira Takahashi

Abstract:This essay aims to deepen our comprehension of the economic ethics of different peoples in Asia, as well as realizing a degree of cultural relativism, in order to enhance amicable economic associations. It counterbalances the conventionally strong West-oriented views which regard exotic features of non-Western economies as backward and illogical elements that disturb smooth and orthodox development and, hence, should be eradicated. The author, first, recalls a number of facts which depict the eruptive economic transformation in Asia. He, then, criticizes the imposition of Western-style development and exploitation without excluding Japan’s colonialism in Taiwan and Korea, and pleads for multiple forms of development and modernity. Economic transactions should be analysed in relation to sociocultural aspects, and, therefore, communities and ethics groups play a substantive role between the public and private sectors, the market, and individuals. For instance, small farmers in Southeast Asia, struggling with the weakness of tenant farmers and pressures of the market mechanism, developed ingenious and participatory forms of survival, increasingly supported by non-governmental organizations. Case studies from Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines give a vivid picture of these activities. Because the developing economies are composed of market and non-market sectors, reasonable attention should be given to the ethics beyond market principles, with particular emphasis on community as foundation.

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Michael López

The partial results of a project from CYMMIT are presented in this article, whose objective is to determine the effects of the agricultural reforms of the corn seed industries in the developing countries, specially the role of the private and official sectors in the production of varieties and hybrids and the release of improved seeds. The analysis is based mainly on asurvey of the seed industries, conducted during 1993 and 1994. The results of the analysis of the total sale of improved seed in 1993, prices according to type and seed origin and the participation of the public and private sectors in developingimproved seed in the Central American countries and Mexico are shown here. The main result from the analysis is that the official sectors are withdrawing from the production and sale of seed, and aiming their efforts to wards breeding and germplasm development. Likewise, the private sectors are important factors of the seed production and sale. The private sector depends on the official materials for their seed sales, specially the small locally financed enterprises and cooperatives of seed producers, as well as Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO's).


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Marcio Bonini Notari

RESUMO  A corrupção vem se apresentando no âmbito das instituições privadas e democráticas, assim como, a nível internacional, entre os setores público e privado. No início da década de 90, começam a surgir uma série de estudos por parte dos organismos internacionais, das agências multilaterais e das organizações não governamentais procurando fornecer uma programação globalizada com temas ligados aos direitos humanos. São inúmeras denúncias noticiadas nos meios de comunicação acerca das práticas corruptivas, o que, acarreta no uso de campanhas anticorrupção por parte de governos para repressão a todos aqueles opositores ou críticos da sua gestão. Isso, de certo, modo pode trazer restrições aos direitos dos denunciantes, contribuindo para violação aos direitos humanos de todo e qualquer pessoa identificada como objetivo político, da transparência e publicidade, da liberdade de expressão e pensamento.  O presente trabalho pretende analisar a proteção dos direitos humanos em seus tratados e convenções internacionais, no que diz respeito aos denunciantes e de todos aqueles que investigam casos de corrupção ligados a ilícitos, práticas fraudulentas em organizações de natureza pública e privada. De tal modo que, a participação do cidadão  mediante o livre exercício da liberdade de expressão e do acesso á informação, possibilita o exercício da cidadania, sem censura estatal, como forma de diminuir a incidência dos atos de corrupção e um controle benéfico ao poder público e a iniciativa privada. Palavras chaves: corrupção, direitos humanos e denunciantes.  ABSTRACT Corruption has been taking place within private and democratic institutions, as well as internationally, between the public and private sectors. In the early 1990s, a series of studies by international organizations, multilateral agencies and non-governmental organizations on the subject began to emerge, seeking to provide a globalized programming with themes related to human rights, There are numerous reports in the media about corrupt practices, which leads to the use of anti-corruption campaigns by governments to repress all those who oppose or critically manage them. This, in a way, may bring restrictions on the rights of whistleblowers, contributing to the violation of the human rights of anyone identified as a political objective, transparency and publicity, freedom of expression and thought. This paper aims to analyze the protection of human rights without their international treaties and conventions, with respect to whistleblowers and all those who investigate cases of corruption linked to illicit, fraudulent practices in organizations of a public and private nature. In such a way that citizen participation and access to information make it possible to exercise authentic citizenship as a means of reducing the incidence of acts of corruption and beneficial control of public power and private initiative, and may contain the benefits of corruption to the public. certain privileged groups and sectors. Keywords: corruption, human rights and whistleblowers. 


Author(s):  
Alison Brysk

Chapter 6 concerns denial of women’s right to life . The new frame of “femicide” has dramatically increased attention to gender-based killing in the public and private sphere, and encompasses a spectrum of threats and assaults that culminate in murder. The chapter follows the threats to women’s security through the life cycle, beginning with cases of “gendercide” (sex-selective abortion and infanticide) in India, then moving to honor killings in Turkey and Pakistan. We examine public femicide in Mexico and Central America—with comparison to the disappearance of indigenous women in Canada, as “second-class citizens” in a developed democracy. The chapter continues mapping the panorama of private sphere domestic violence in the semi-liberal gender regimes of China, Russia, Brazil, and the Philippines, along with a range of responses in law, public policy, advocacy, and protest.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Vogelpohl

AbstractThe bioeconomy is nowadays widely proclaimed by governments and corporations around the world as a new paradigm for a sustainable economy. Essentially, it broadly denotes the promotion, development and establishment of the use of biogenic resources in diverse kinds of industrial technologies, production processes and products. Yet, in order for the bioeconomy to be sustainable, it has to be assured that these biogenic resources are sourced sustainably. In the last 30 years, transnational sustainability certification (TSC) has established itself as a popular instrument in this context, for example in the case of European biofuels sustainability regulation. In the last decade or so, however, TSC initiatives in several biomass production sectors like palm oil, soy, fruits, aquaculture or fisheries—mostly initiated by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and corporations from the Global North—are increasingly met with resistance from actors from the resource-producing countries, mostly located in the Global South. Issues brought up in this context concern their lack of legitimacy and respect for national regulatory sovereignty and conflicting priorities in terms of sustainable development. Consequently, governmental and corporate actors from the resource-producing countries have developed sustainability standards that now at least partly compete with TSC. Against this background, this contribution investigates this apparent dilemma of biomass certification by taking stock of existing TSC initiatives and territorial responses to them in several sectors of the bioeconomy in order to discover general patterns and dynamics of transnational biomass sustainability certification. This analysis is based on a review of existing empirical studies on these issues as well as on conceptual literature on discourse coalitions and transnational hybrid governance for the classification of the different aspects and developments in the individual sectors. Results show that TSC is indeed challenged in all sectors around story lines of sovereignty and sustainability, employed by closely associated state and industry actors in the specific context of the prevalent state-industry relations and the practices and institutions of the respective international political economies. Beyond this general pattern, these alternative systems take on different shapes and complex relations between transnational and territorial sustainability governance emerge that are not always antagonistic, but also exist in parallel or even complementarily and involve various hybrid configurations of public and private actors. Overall, this casts some doubt on the potential of TSC as an instrument to safeguard the sustainability of the bioeconomy and shows one of its potential pitfalls, which is reflected upon in the conclusion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 7886
Author(s):  
Pavel Kotlán ◽  
Alena Kozlová ◽  
Zuzana Machová

Establishing criminal liability for environmental offences remains daunting, particularly with regard to the ‘no plaintiff—no judge’ element as a result of which the public seems to be ultimately deprived of the possibility to participate in criminal environmental proceedings. While there is arguably a lack of specific instruments at the European Union (EU) level which would prescribe such legal obligation on the part of the State, there has been a shift in understanding the role of the public and its participation in criminal liability cases, namely under the auspices of the so-called effective investigation and the concept of rights of victims in general. Using the example of the Czech Republic as a point of reference, this article aims to assess the relevant legal developments at both EU and Czech levels to illustrate why the non-governmental organizations (NGOs), essentially acting as public agents, should be granted an active role in environmental criminal proceedings. After examining the applicable legal framework and case law development, the article concludes that effective investigation indeed stands as a valid legal basis for human rights protection which incorporates an entitlement to public participation. Despite that, this pro-active shift is far from being applied in practice, implying that the legislation remains silent where it should be the loudest, and causing unsustainable behaviour of companies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIRGÍNIA TALAVEIRA VALENTINI TRISTÃO ◽  
JOSÉ AMÉRICO MARTELLI TRISTÃO

Abstract Environmental education practiced by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) presents itself as a new teaching method directed at changing habits, attitudes and social practices seeking solutions for the social-environmental degradation afflicting the contemporary world. This work seeks to identify the perception and expectations of stakeholders regarding the contribution of NGOs in environmental education. The research was guided by the Delphi method and, as a result, verified that the involved stakeholders understand that environmental education practiced by NGOs must be ample, free, professionalized and directed towards all the segments of society via partnerships with public and private sector organizations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjam Vossen ◽  
Lau Schulpen

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between media frames and public perceptions of global poverty. Building on a frame analysis, the paper reconstructs prevailing poverty narratives in British news articles and non-governmental organizations’ (NGO’s) advertisements between 2011 and 2013. Following this, these narratives are compared with the narratives that emerge from public opinion studies. The findings suggest that there is a strong connection between media frames and public knowledge and perceptions of global poverty. Both the media and the public define poverty in developing countries’ terms of destitute victims, lack of development and bad governance. Both suggest that the causes of poverty are internal to developing countries and imply that there has been little progress in reducing global poverty.


2006 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktorija Bojovic

This paper discusses recent changes in the way public services are delivered A marked increase in the cooperation between the public and private sector in the realization of complex projects, mostly concerning development of infrastructure, is the main characteristic of present-day developing economies. The creation of new, innovative agreements is driven by the limitation of public funds and an ever-growing demand for an increase in the quality of public services. Looking upon the western economies experience alternatives to the traditional public sector procurement are identified in the public/private partnership. The public/private partnership can be seen as one component in the rearrangement of the public sector with a management culture that focuses on the citizen or customer. Also included in this are accountability for results, investigation of a wide variety of alternative service delivery mechanisms, and competition between public and private bodies for contracts to deliver services consistent with cost recovery and the achievement of value for money. The partnership can be realized through an array of models and in this paper priority is given to the DBFO (design-build-finance-operate) model, due to its importance in implementation. The DBFO model is considered to be a synonym for the public/private partnership, as it is the most suitable for complex projects and gains the most benefits.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-359
Author(s):  
Oleg Onopko ◽  

An important condition for the effective protection and implementation by Russia of its national interests in Ukraine is an understanding of the circle of actors that influence the development of Ukrainian foreign policy. Among them, there are expert institutions that provide analytical and scientific support for foreign policy decisions made by the highest bodies of state power. For- eign policy expertise in Ukraine is a grey area for Russian political science. The article opens a series of publications whose purpose is to solve this problem. It systematizes information about Ukrainian institutes of foreign policy expertise, those whose activities are directly or indirectly financed by the state. It was revealed that during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych (2010– 2014), the public sector suffered significant structural damage, and its consequences have not yet been overcome. Today, Ukrainian public institutions of foreign policy expertise include: the National Institute for Strategic Studies, the Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and university think tanks. The author considers these organizations through the prism of constructivism and institutionalism — as political structures (institutions) whose activities affect the context of Ukrainian foreign policy and the behavior of its actors. It has been established that their main scientific and applied research interests are related to problems of national, regional and international security, Russian domestic politics, problems of information, as well as military and political confrontation with Russia. All these issues are considered by institutions exclusively through the prism of Euro-Atlanticism and anti-Russian political mythology. Since at least 2014, they have been transmitting ideas hostile to Russia to the Ukrainian political and academic elite. In the same vein, the political socialization of students is carried out, in which university think tanks actively work in close collaboration with state and non-governmental organizations of NATO member countries. Today, the public sector of foreign policy expertise in Ukraine is not in the best condition, but it invariably retains its analytical and scientific potential, as well as its tough anti-Russian position.


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