The Oculus Sacerdotis and Some Other Works of William of Pagula

1955 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 81-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Boyle

One of the results of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 was a heightening of interest in the cure of souls, and the years that followed the Council saw a generous effort on the part of prelates to provide, in accordance with the Lateran directives, a better–educated clergy who could bring the laity to a reasonable understanding of the essentials of Christian belief and practice. In England, during the reign of Henry III, nearly every diocese contributed to the movement for reform, chiefly by statutes modelled upon or deriving from decrees of Innocent III's great council. The Council of Oxford in 1222, the Council and Constitutions of the Legate Otto at London in 1237 and of the Legate Ottobono at London in 1268, catered in varying degrees for the Church in England as a whole.

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 553-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quan Gao ◽  
Junxi Qian ◽  
Zhenjie Yuan

This article provides a multi-scaled, grounded understanding of how secularization and re-sacralization occur simultaneously in a context of rapid modernization. Recent geographical scholarship in the geography of religion have exhibited deficient reflection over the geo-historical contingencies and complexities of secularization and secularity. This article seeks to re-conceptualize secularization as a multi-scaled, grounded and self-reflective process through an empirical study of the hybrid, contradictory processes of secularization and postsecular religious revival in a ‘gospel village’ in Shenzhen, China. In this rapidly urbanizing village, Christian belief inherited from Western missionary work has gradually lost its hold amidst modernization and urbanization. However, the inflow of rural migrant workers has re-invigorated the church. Christianity has created possibilities for postsecular ethics and resistances, enabling migrant workers to materially, symbolically and emotionally settle in a new socio-economic environment. Also, new situated religiosities arise as theological interpretations are used to negotiate and even legitimize social inequalities and alienation. This article therefore argues that the postsecular turn in human geography needs to consider how the postsecular articulates, and co-evolves with, secular conditions of being in the world. It highlights the hybrid and contested nature of the secularization process, which gives rise not only to disengaged belief and immanent consciousness but also to new aspirations for, and formations of, religiosities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-287
Author(s):  
Philippe Buc

To compare and contrast medieval Japan and medieval Western Europe allows one to discover three things. First, analogous to Catholic holy war, in Japan becomes visible a potential for war (albeit seldom actualised) for the sake, quite surprisingly, of Buddhism. Second, the different role played by emotions during war: in Europe, when vicious (and motivated by emotions such as greed, ambition or lust), they endanger the victors; thus the concern for right emotions foster, to a point, proper behavior during war; in Japan, however, the focus is on the emotions of the defeated, which may hamper a good reincarnation and produce vengeful spirits harmful to the victors and to the community at large. Finally, while Japanese warriors could and often did switch sides, the archipelago did not know for centuries anything approaching the European concept of treason, ideally punished with the highest cruelty, hated and feared to the point of generating collective paranoia and conspiracy theories. Western treason was (and is still) a secularised offspring of the Christian belief in the internal enemy of the Church, the false brethren. Arguably, the texture of the religions present in the two ensembles gave their specific form to these three aspects of warfare.


2008 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 46-61
Author(s):  
Anne Kirkham

A round 1230 Burchard of Ursperg, a Premonstratensian canon, writing about the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), reported that ‘with the world already growing old, two religious orders arose in the Church – whose youth is renewed like the eagle’s’. The success of the Franciscans in contributing to what Burchard saw as the renewal of the Church’s youth was simultaneously assisted and celebrated by documenting the life of the founder, Francis (1182–1226), in words and images soon after his death and throughout the thirteenth century. Within these representations, the pivotal event in securing Francis’s religious ‘conversion’ was his encounter with the decaying church of San Damiano outside Assisi. His association with the actual repair of churches in the written and pictorial accounts of his life was a potent allegorical image to signal the revival of the Church and the role of Francis and his followers in this. This essay focuses on how references to the repair of churches were used to call attention to the role of the Franciscans in the revival of the Church in the thirteenth century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-759 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRIS SCHABEL ◽  
NICKIPHOROS I. TSOUGARAKIS

Although the union between the Latin and Greek Churches was one of Pope Innocent III's career-long ambitions, the limited provisions made by the canons of the Fourth Lateran Council regarding the eastern Churches have led most historians to assume that by the end of his pontificate this matter had been relegated to one of secondary importance and was treated only as an afterthought during the council. By collecting and re-examining the surviving sources, this article shows that considerable time and energy was in fact spent during the council in regulating the affairs of the Churches of former Byzantine lands. The ensuing decisions and legislation formed the basis of the organisation of the Church in much of the Greco-Latin East for at least another three centuries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 171-197
Author(s):  
Karen R. Zwier

AbstractThe problem of randomness and providence is not new. Rather, there is a long history of sophisticated thought in response to this problem, which can be called upon to address the problem in its modern scientific variant. After an overview of Christian belief, I consider the concept of divine providence, concentrating on relevant pieces of Christian scripture and passages from the Church Fathers. Next, I cover, in historical fashion, how Christians have grappled with the question of randomness in relation to God’s providence. Finally, I propose my own way of thinking about randomness and providence.


Author(s):  
Michael Lapidge

Introduction: The forty passiones translated in this volume represent a genre of Christian-Latin literature that has seldom attracted attention and is poorly understood; yet in sum they constitute a remarkable body of literature composed during the period between 425 and 675, and provide valuable evidence of the sentiments and beliefs of ordinary Christians of that time — their aversion to pagan practices, their admiration for virginity, their firm commitment to orthodoxy — as well as evidence for the machinery of Roman legal procedure. Since the passiones appear to have been composed by the clerics who were custodians of the martyrial churches and shrines in Rome, in response to the ever-increasing volume of pilgrim traffic to these shrines, and since these clerics appear not to have received the benefit of the highest grade of Roman education, they provide first-hand evidence for the sub-élite Latin of the time. The passiones are works of pure fiction: they abound in absurd errors of chronology, and of the Roman magistrates who figure in them, very few can be identified (this is one of the reasons why the passiones have largely been ignored by historians of late antiquity). Of the forty passiones, some twenty-one treat martyrs who are attested in sources earlier than c. 384, and who may be considered ‘authentic’ martyrs (which is not to say that the descriptions of their arrest, trial, torture and execution — which are often described in ludicrous terms — are similarly ‘authentic’). The remaining passiones treat persons concerning whom there is no reliable evidence that they were martyrs: some are the names of pious persons who donated property to the church; others are the result of pure invention. In any case, there is very little evidence that large numbers of Christians were martyred at Rome in the period before the ‘Peace of the Church’ (c. 312): certainly not the large numbers implied by the fictional passiones. No records of trials of Christians from the period before c. 312, so for their accounts of the trials the authors of the fictitious passiones were obliged to model their accounts on genuine accounts of trial proceedings involving Christians in proconsular Africa (the so-called acta proconsularia); but many features of the trials described in the passiones are imaginary: for example, the lengthy debates between the presiding magistrate or judge and the martyr on questions of Christian belief (the virtues of virginity, the evils of paganism), some of which devolve into lengthy sermons by the martyrs. In any case, the martyrs in the passiones never succeed in converting the judge, and are accordingly sentenced to torture (often described in excruciating, and sometimes absurd, detail) and execution. In most passiones, the bodies of the martyrs are recovered by pious Christians and buried in identifiable shrines (usually in suburban cemeteries).


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-63
Author(s):  
Peter Feldmeier

Many religions understand themselves as fundamentally aligned to a givenculture or people. Hinduism is intrinsically connected to the Indian cultureand caste system. Daoism and Confucianism are highly integrated into theChinese spirit and the cultural mentality of the Orient. Shinto’s cosmology,myths, and rites concern themselves solely with the Japanese. Even in theWest, Judaism locates itself with the people of Israel. Jews welcome converts,but Judaism has never seen itself as a proselytizing religion. Islamis convinced that Muhammad’s message is both universal and constitutesthe highest revelation. Thus, it is a proselytizing religion. But Muslims historicallyand today believe that non-Muslims can be saved in the contextof their own religious traditions, particularly if these are monotheistic.Christianity perhaps stands alone as a religion that has historically believedthat membership in the church is necessary for salvation. Add to this thatRoman Catholicism had believed that Catholic membership was necessary.As the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) declared, “There is only one universalchurch of the faithful, outside which none can be saved.” More recently,most Christians, including Catholics, think that God’s saving grace is availableoutside its ecclesial boarders, but this is a modern idea.What then to think of the religious other? In the seventeenth century,a Catholic had few conceptual choices. One was to consider religious othersand their sacred texts as valuable preparation for the gospel, and thusadmire what could be admired in them. They had something of what St.Justin Martyr called the Logos spermatikos, seeds of the Word. This includedthe principle of inculturation whereby European culture was not to beconflated with Christianity. This principle became policy, at least in theory, ...


1911 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-252
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Beckwith

This presentation is limited to an exposition and estimate of the chief types in which authority has appeared in the church, to which are added one or two fundamental suggestions.The first type is naturally that of the Roman Catholic church. Authority here was a gradual growth. At the outset no one could have foreseen the ultimate result, yet the claims of a series of bishops of the early church of Rome, not seldom men of the greatest administrative ability, whose assumptions were favored by circumstances, grew at length into the acknowledged supremacy of the Roman see. This supremacy gradually took the place of the state and subordinated every government to its own law and end, and this claim now extends to every interest of every individual whenever and wherever the church sees fit to exercise its prerogative.


1990 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. C. A. Pearce

As a general principle, regular marriage in the Church of England is solemnized after the publication of banns. This requirement entered the medival canon law first as a matter of local custom, but was made universal in 1215 by a decree of the Fourth Lateran Council. Lord Hardwicke's Act did not impose the requirement of banns for the first time; it simply ensured that the option of an irregular marriage without banns, previously recognised by Church and State thoughfrowned upon, would no longer be valid in law.


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