The Commons and Medieval Politics

1946 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 21-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. G. Richardson
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Right ◽  
Edward I

SOME apology may seem necessary for a brief paper that covers nearly three centuries, but, unless we take long views, we are unlikely to get into focus the problem before us, namely, the extent to which the commons participated in medieval politics and the manner in which they did so. Bishop Stubbs, you will remember, found this a matter of particular difficulty. The part played by the commons in relation to taxation and legislation seemed plain enough. But political power, the ‘right of general deliberation on all national matters, is too vague in its extent’, he thought, ‘to be capable of being chronologically defined; nor was it really vindicated by the parliament until a much later period than’ the reign of Edward I, with which he was then concerned. Elsewhere, Stubbs seems to have committed himself to the view that the commons took part in politics in the fifteenth century, although the distinction he formerly drew between politics and legislation he no longer maintained. Quite clearly we cannot consistently maintain a distinction between politics and legislation or politics and finance. ‘The right of deliberation on all national matters’, in Stubbs's phrase, may express itself in the acceptance or refusal of legislative or of financial proposals. But if there are certain national matters from the discussion of which one or other of the ‘estates’ is in practice excluded, then it is reasonable to say that, to that extent, they take no part in politics. To suggest an obvious example: the assent of the lower clergy was necessary to the taxation to which they were subjected; they took no part in general legislation; and they certainly did not exercise the right of deliberation on all national matters. Their participation in politics was therefore of the slightest.

scholarly journals The Veto Power of the State Governor

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Fairlie
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
Ancient Rome ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Negative Power ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Norman French ◽  
The Right ◽  
To Receive

The term “veto” has been traced from the power of the tribune of the plebs in ancient Rome to annul or suspend the acts of other public authorities. From the establishment of the Roman tribune, that official had the right of intercession (intercessio), to cancel any command of a consul which infringed the liberties of a citizen; and this was gradually extended to other administrative acts and even to decrees of the senate. The word veto (I forbid) was at least occasionally used by the tribune in such cases.But historically what is called the veto power of American executives is derived from the legislative power of the British Crown. Until the fifteenth century statutes in England were enacted by the king on his own initiative or in response to petitions. From that time parliament presented bills in place of petitions; and statutes were enacted by the king “by and with the advice and consent of the lords …. and the commons …. and by the authority of the same.” The king's assent was still necessary; and without this assent a bill was not law. For two hundred years the Crown continued to exercise the negative power of declining to accept bills, not by any formal act of disapproval, but by the polite response in old Norman French, “le roy s'avisera.” Since the beginning of the eighteenth century no bill which has passed parliament has failed to receive the royal assent; but the old form of enacting laws is still in use.

Emergence of the Demand for Territorial Reorganization of East Punjab

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Legal Intervention ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
The Right

Master Tara Singh’s differences with the Congress Government in political matters began to emerge in 1948. In March 1948, the Akali legislators joined the Congress party in the legislature. Master Tara Singh underscored, nevertheless, that it was essential to preserve Sikh identity in religious, social, and political matters. The Akali Dal made it clear in October 1948 that the most effective safeguard for a minority was the right to choose its own representatives through separate electorates. In February 1949, Master Tara Singh emphasized that the root of all demands and all principles for the Sikhs was to have political power. Sardar Patel kept Master Tara Singh under detention for about eight months as a political prisoner under the Bengal Regulation III of 1818, which did not allow any legal intervention. His purpose was to settle all major Sikh issues without Master Tara Singh.

The Economic and Political Determinants of Human (Including Health) Rights

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Individual Property ◽  
Socioeconomic Rights ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
Fair Wages ◽  
The Right ◽  
The U.S

This paper presents an analysis and critique of the U.S. government's current emphasis on human rights; and (a) its limited focus on only some civil and political components of the original U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, and (b) its disregard for economic and social rights such as the rights to work, fair wages, health, education, and social security. The paper discusses the reasons for that limited focus and argues that, contrary to what is widely presented in the media and academe: (1) civil and political rights are highly restricted in the U.S.; (2) those rights are further restricted in the U.S. when analyzed in their social and economic dimensions; (3) civil and political rights are not independent of but rather intrinsically related to and dependent on the existence of socioeconomic rights; (4) the definition of the nature and extension of human rights in their civil, political, social, and economic dimensions is not universal, but rather depends on the pattern of economic and political power relations particular to each society; and (5) the pattern of power relations in the U.S. society and the western system of power, based on the right to individual property and its concomitant class structure and relations, is incompatible with the full realization of human rights in their economic, social, political, and civil dimensions. This paper further indicates that U.S. financial and corporate capital, through its overwhelming influence over the organs of political power in the U.S. and over international bodies and agencies, is primarily responsible for the denial of the human rights of the U.S. population and many populations throughout the world as well.

Party and the Augustan Constitution, 1694-1716: Politics and the Power of the Executive

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.

scholarly journals The Czech Nobility's Use of the Right of Patronage on Behalf of the Hussite Reform Movement

Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Klassen
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
European History ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Southern France ◽  
The Right ◽  
Instrumental Role

Throughout European history the aristocracy has been involved in reform movements which undermined either ecclesiastical or monarchical power structures. Thus the nobles of southern France in the twelfth century granted protection to the Cathars, and in fourteenth-century England lords and knights offered aid to the Lollards. The support of German princes and knights for Lutheranism is well known, as is the instrumental role played by the French aristocracy in initiating the constitutional reforms which gave birth to that nation's eighteenth-century revolution. The fifteenth-century Hussite reform movement in Bohemia similarly received aid from the noble class. Here, when the Hussites were under attack in 1417 from the authorities, especially the archbishop, sympathetic lords protected Hussite priests on their domains.

scholarly journals XXXIV. The Episcopal Coins of Durham, and the Monastic Coins of Reading, minted during the Reigns of Edward I. II. and III. appropriated to their respective Owners. By Benjamin Bartlet, F.A.S.

Archaeologia ◽  
1779 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 335-339
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bartlet
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Cross ◽  
The Right ◽  
Pastoral Staff ◽  
Edward I

We find amongst the coins minted at Durham, during the reigns of the three first Edwards, several pennies bearing particular marks in some one or other part of the coin: one has a cross moline at the beginning of the legend on each side of the piece; a second has the same cross in the second quarter of the reverse; a third has it at the beginning of the legend on the obverse only; another has a lion rampant betwixt two fleurs de lis in the same place. Some of these being placed where in succeeding reigns the mint mark stood, have been taken notice of by two writers on these subjects, but no reasons assigned for their use. There are also from the same mint two others, which have the upright limb of the cross turned in the form of a pastoral staff, one of them to the right, the other to the left; they are said to have come from the bishops mint, but the prelates name are not mentioned.

The Consolidation of Ava

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Aung-Thwin
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Classical Tradition ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The Right

The two founding fathers of Ava, Thadominbya and Minkyiswa Sawkai were succeeded by four equally strong kings who continued their predecessors’ work and consolidated what the former had begun. In doing so, Mingaung the First and three of his most important successors (Hsinphyushin Thihathu, Mo Nyin Min, and Hsinphyushin Minye Kyawswa Gyi) set the stage for Ava’s efflorescence that reached fruition during the second half of the fabulous fifteenth-century. Fortunately for the Burmese speakers and their culture (and ultimately the modern Union of Myanmar), able leaders emerged at the right time to continue the “classical” tradition, which was carried for several more centuries.

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