Parliament and ‘Bastard Feudalism’

1944 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 53-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. B. McFarlane
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
The Political ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
The Third ◽  
Opposite Pole ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
The Commons

‘Edward I’, said Stubbs, ‘had made his parliament the concentration of the three estates of his people; under Edward II, Edward III, and Richard II, the third estate claimed and won its place as the foremost of the three.’ While the resounding emphasis is Stubbs's own—his common sense was of the kind called robust—the sentiment expressed was then and for long afterwards the traditional one. It is only of late years that opinion has swung to the opposite pole and maintained with an equal want of compromise the absolute insignificance of the commons in the political struggles of the later middle ages. The first open challenge to tradition came, I think, from Professor J. E. Neale in 1924. Mainly concerned to trace the growth of free speech in parliament under the Tudors, he found himself confronted with a medieval background to his subject which seemed to him at variance with the course of its later development. The prologue, as it were, anticipated too much of his play. In a bold attempt to refashion it, he outlined a theory which did not at first attract much attention from medievalists, but which has recently, thanks to Mr. H. G. Richardson, begun to enjoy a considerable vogue among them.

Loans from English provincial towns to the crown during the reigns of Edward II and Edward III*

2018 ◽  
Vol 91 (254) ◽  
pp. 605-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin McCallum
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
The Political ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
Political Relationship ◽  
Military Campaigns

Abstract This article examines the origins and evolution of the English crown's policy of requesting loans from towns to finance military campaigns between 1307 and 1377. By analysing the exchequer receipt rolls, it illustrates how Edward II experimented with urban loans from 1311 to circumvent the restrictions imposed by the ordinances. It subsequently examines when and why urban loans became a regular policy; how they were negotiated, collected and reimbursed; and why towns and their inhabitants contributed credit. Although they were of marginal financial value, these loans transformed the political relationship between the crown and towns in the later middle ages.

Edward III and His Family

1987 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 398-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. M. Ormrod
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Large Family ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
Wars Of The Roses ◽  
Overseas Territories ◽  
God's Grace ◽  
Exhausted Resources ◽  
Favorable Light

The chroniclers and poets of the later Middle Ages credited Edward III with many successes, among which the production of a large family rated highly. The king had a total of twelve children, of whom no fewer than nine—five sons and four daughters—survived to maturity (fig. 1). Historians have not always been enthusiastic about the generous provisions made for this large family. Edward's very fecundity, viewed by fourteenth-century writers as a sure sign of God's grace, has been seen as a political liability because it exhausted resources, created a political imbalance between the crown and the younger branches of the royal family, and led ultimately to the deposition of Richard II and the Wars of the Roses.It is possible, however, to view Edward III's family arrangements in a different and rather more favorable light. Since the loss of many of their overseas territories in the thirteenth century, the Plantagenet kings had come to regard their remaining possessions as an inalienable patrimony to be handed on intact from father to eldest son. Unless younger children were able to create titles for themselves in foreign lands, kings had no option but to reward their sons with English earldoms. This was not a policy guaranteed to benefit the crown: the bitter quarrels between Edward II and his cousin Thomas of Lancaster showed very clearly the dangers that might arise when cadet branches of the Plantagenet dynasty became bound up with the English aristocracy.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

scholarly journals Racionalización y poder La cuestión de la legitimidad en Weber como referente de la acción política

2017 ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Nicolás Fleet
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legitimacy Theory ◽  
General Will ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
Political Actions

ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.

To choose one’s company: Arendt, Kant, and the Political Sixth Sense

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P Schwartz
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critique Of Judgment ◽  
The Third ◽  
The 1950S

This essay explores the phenomenon of common sense through a contextual analysis of Hannah Arendt’s political application of Kant’s Critique of Judgment. I begin by tracing the development of Arendt’s thinking on judgment and common sense during the 1950s which led her to turn to the third Critique. I then consider the justification of her move by examining the philosophical context and political applications of the third Critique, arguing that within it Kant made an original and profound discovery: that the phenomenon of common sense contains a hidden faculty that may anchor moral and political judgments. I conclude by arguing that Arendt was on firmer ground than is often thought in adapting Kantian common sense to politics, a fact that may afford new possibilities for the practice of moral and political thought.

scholarly journals Richard the Redeless

1896 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 121-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. H. D. Holton
Keyword(s):  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
History Of ◽  
Corrupt Party ◽  
The Right ◽  
At Home

The reign of Richard II. is a landmark in the political and constitutional history of England, and in the history of her church and people. At home it was an era of corrupt party politics which led to the crisis of 1399; abroad, there was a lull in the great French war; and already the victories of Edward III. and the Black Prince had initiated the course of events which were to make England an insular power, and her government a limited monarchy. Social and religious discontent joined hands in Wat Tyler's revolt, when the causes of Labour and Nonconformity made their first loud claim to the right of existence in England. In the following pages, however, we are concerned less with the history of the reign as a whole, than with the interesting personality of the boy-King. King and kingdom were closely bound up with one another in the Plantagenet epoch; and the unequal and ill-regulated character of Richard II. has left no uncertain impress upon the events of his reign. And here the historical student is brought face to face with the unsatisfactory condition of the original authorities. The whole reign abounds in political mysteries, and the figure of the young King is shrouded in obscurity.

Genesis of Lancaster or the Three Reigns of Edward II., Edward III., Richard II., 1307-1399

1914 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 871
Author(s):  
James Westfall Thompson ◽  
James H. Ramsay
Keyword(s):  
Richard Ii ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
Edward Iii

Recepcja idei „nowego średniowiecza” w polskiej myśli nacjonalistycznej

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (247) ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Radomski
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Face ◽  
Civic Religion

The research aim of this article is to analyze the ideo-political reflections of the publicists andactivists connected with the young nationalists movement in the 1930s on the background of the political philosophy included in the book by a Russian thinker Nikolai Berdyaev (1874–1948) New Middle Ages. The fate of a man in a contemporary world, translated by MarianReutt – idealistically and organizationally connected with the nationalist formation of the1930s the research ambition of the author is to show the idea of “new Middle Ages”, accentingthe meaning of collective ethics (Decalogue ethics) as a factor of social solidarity, which isnow called “civic religion”, which means values and rules fundamental for the conceptof a national country – in a shape dictated by the publicist of the “Myśl Narodowa” in theyears of the Third Republic. The author refers to the contemporary phenomenon of ideasecularization and the atrophy of the “civic religion”, which – as Berdyaev convinces – is anopportunity to manipulate the consciousness of an entity and allows for releasing in it a stateof uncritical adaptation of the politically dangerous offers (various forms of totalitarianism).Furthermore, in the face of the progressive dechristianisation and ateisation of the society,the postulates by Berdyaev and his young nationalist successors lose the value of usefulnessand are included into the catalog of the idealist system concepts, becoming an utopian versionof the democratic system.Key words: nationalism, political theology, New Middle Ages idea

scholarly journals Prisoners of War in Early Medieval Bulgaria (Preliminary Remarks)

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 73-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yanko M. Hristov
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Main Line ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Medieval ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
The Third ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Chronological Period

The work is concentrated on the problem of war prisoners in the chronological period of the existance of the so-called First Bulgarian state. The analysis is based predominantly on various Byzantine and selected Latin and Bulgarian sources from the epoch. With some exceptions, mostly for 707/708, 754/755, 763/764 and 774, the notices are concentrated around the events of 811–815/816, 837/838; 894–896, 917–30s and for a moment or two from the period of 971–1018. In his preliminary remarks the author comes to the conclusion that in the Early Middle Ages prisoners of war (in the broadest medieval sense) were an integral part of the efforts to achieve the political objectives of the Bulgarian rulers. Response mechanisms against prisoners of war were highly dependent on the course of the conflict and their attitude towards their own warriors and subjects caught up in enemy hands. They included a wide range of solutions, which could be grouped into three main areas: the first one refers to killing (and/or mutilation) of war prisoners; the second main line was connected with preserving the lives of the captives; the third group of measures was due to the fact that an immediate effect is not always haunted.

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