Presidential Address

1920 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
C. W. C. Oman
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Address ◽  
High Water ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
Classical World ◽  
High Water Mark ◽  
Famous Book ◽  
The Great War

Ever since recorded history begins, and probably for untold centuries before, a never-ending strife between the East and the West has been in progress, and the tide of conquest and invasion has been mounting eastward or westward, only to reach its high-water mark, stand still for a moment, and then commence slowly or quickly toretire. The writers of the old classical world of antiquitysaw this clearly enough. Herodotus, the father of all European historians, began his famous book with a tale of legendary raids and counter-raids between Europe and Asia, and traced down from them the great war of Greek and Persian which had formed the all-engrossing interest of his own youth.

The Great War

2000 ◽  
pp. 151-172
Author(s):  
Peter N. Davies
Keyword(s):  
West African ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

This chapter describes the First World War’s effect on British shipping and West African trade. It discusses shipping losses and incidents, and describes the consequences of the end of trade with Germany and Austria; the closure of the Baltic and Black seas; congestion at ports; and the strain and depletion of ships. The chapter also reports the collapse of the West African Shipping Conference at the beginning of the war and describes the ways in this affected Elder Dempster and the Lever Brothers.

scholarly journals The Serbian minister in London, Mateja Boskovic, the Yugoslav committee, and Serbia’s Yugoslav policy in the Great War 1914-1916

Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 173-215
Author(s):  
Dragan Bakic
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Adriatic Sea ◽  
Close Contact ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
Single State ◽  
Stark Contrast ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Yugoslav Committee

This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Mata Boskovic, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav) question - a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was Serbia?s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav ?migr?s from Austria-Hungary in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbic, were leading figures. In stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Boskovic was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav unification. He suspected the Croat ?migr?s, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British ?friends of Serbia?, the most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham Steed, with the Croat ?migr?s. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav unification, Boskovic preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of and reaction to Boskovic?s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pasic, clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pasic did not vacillate between the ?small? and the ?large programme?, between Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.

The Other West End

2020 ◽  
pp. 301-316
Author(s):  
Rohan McWilliam
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
The Great War ◽  
The Way

This chapter provides a conclusion to the book. It shows that by 1900 the West End functioned as the heart of empire. This was evident in the Mafeking celebrations but also in the way West End shows helped explain the empire to the British. The conservatism of West End culture provided a backdrop for popular imperialism. Whilst the book has emphasized the West End as the source of a conservative consensus, it ends by drawing on the experience of working-class people to show how its opulence could be the source of resentment and conflict. The chapter discusses the Blood Sunday riots which took place in the pleasure district and ends with the Suffragettes window smashing campaign where women attacked an area that was built to attract them. On the eve of the Great War, the West End served as a magnet for protest and pleasure.

Britain in a Continental War: The Civil-Military Debate Over the Strategical Direction of the Great War of 1914-1918

1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Woodward
Keyword(s):  
Great War ◽  
British Army ◽  
The West ◽  
The Public ◽  
War Of Attrition ◽  
Total War ◽  
Western Front ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Widespread Belief ◽  
The Great War

The friction between civil and military authorities was never greater than during the Great War of 1914-1918. The unprecedented casualties suffered by the British Army and involvement of every element of British life in the conflagration gave added intensity to this conflict. The ability of British democracy to wage total war was put to a severe test. Where did the responsibility of the civilians end in formulating strategy? Where did the authority of the soldiers begin? This strategic debate largely centered on the size of Britain's commitment to the ghastly slaughter in the trenches of the Western Front.Before 1914 British war planners had thought of a short war with at most only limited involvement in Europe. After Britain's plunge into war, the civil and military authorities decided to employ the small professional British Army on the continent to save France from being overrun, a decision made easier by the widespread belief that the war would be over within a few months. By this continental commitment Britain became involved in a long and bloody war of attrition in France and Flanders.As 1914 ended in stalemate in the West with few of the original members of the British Expeditionary Force still on their feet the debate over the employment of future British armies began in earnest. The government's chief military adviser was Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of State for War. Although the public viewed Kitchener as Britain's greatest soldier, his appointment was almost certainly a mistake.

Art. VIII.—The Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan and the Adjacent Countries in the Second Century B.C.

1882 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-104
Author(s):  
W. Kingsmill
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Han Dynasty ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
The Far East ◽  
Eastern Turkestan ◽  
Roman Province ◽  
The Great War

The following notes refer to a period which is one of considerable historic interest. In the Far East the Emperor Wu-ti, the most enterprising of the Han dynasty, having broken the power of the Turkish empire of the Hiung-nû, i.e. Kara-Nîrus, was engaged in strengthening the internal administration of China, and in extending its influence abroad. In the west the Romans had, B.C. 146, captured and destroyed Carthage, and had reduced Greece to a Roman province. The Ptolemies yet ruled in Egypt; and, in Asia, the Syrian empire under the house of the Seleucidse still survived, but was showing evident signs of decrepitude. In Asia Minor, Pontus was rising into importance under Mithradates V., who was one of the first of the more important sovereigns of the continent to enter into close relations with Rome. This position of affairs finally resulted in the great war between his son Mithradates VI. and Rome, which afforded that encroaching power the opportunity of firmly establishing the Roman rule in Asia, and of eventually overturning the decadent power of Syria, already frittered away by internal dissensions between the members of the royal house of Seleucidæ.

scholarly journals The Ukrainian Directorate and Entente Nations Representatives’ Negotiations in January March of 1919

2017 ◽  
pp. 84-106
Author(s):  
Nataliya Gorodnia
Keyword(s):  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
National State ◽  
Favorable Environment ◽  
French Military ◽  
Military Command ◽  
Military Support ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Great War

The paper studies the content and the matter of negotiations between the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic’s (the UNR) representatives and the allied (French) military command in Odessa, as well as the Entente nations’ leaders and diplomats in Paris in January-March of 1919. The author argues that a victory of the Entente nations in the Great War did not create a favorable environment for the foundation of an independent Ukrainian national state, for the victorious nations did not tolerate Russia’s disintegration. They did not recognize independence of Ukraine and had a negative attitude towards the Directorate. However, the latter’s control over the Ukrainian territory and its large and battle worthy army shaped a background for its engagement into the united front against bolshevism. During the negotiations in Odessa, the French military command offered a military support to the Directorate in exchange for protectorate of France over Ukraine for the period of war against Bolsheviks. The UNR representatives could hardly accept the terms, and the talks lasted for about two months. Meanwhile, the strategic situation in Ukraine had fundamentally changed. As soon as the Directorate has lost the territories it controlled and its army has been mostly dismissed, the Entente nations lost their interest in dealing with it. Instead, they focused on strengthening Poland and Romania to contain the Bolshevik expansion to the West. It is concluded that in January-March of 1919, the window of opportunities for Ukrainians existed to avoid Bolsheviks’ rule and to become a partner of victorious nations in containment of bolshevism. The cooperation could create other opportunities, especially if Soviet Russia survived. All along of the ineffectiveness and weakness of the regime of the Directorate, the historic chance has been lost.

scholarly journals Why During the Polish-Bolshevik War Did Soviet Propaganda Discourse Dominate European Public Opinion?

2022 ◽  
Vol 124 ◽  
pp. 35-70
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Julia Leinwand
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Great War ◽  
The West ◽  
European Public ◽  
The World ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Great War

In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow’s point of view.

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