Causative Verbs in Formosan Languages

1974 ◽  
Vol 13 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley Starosta
Keyword(s):  
Formosan Languages ◽  
Causative Verbs

Patient arguments of causative verbs can be omitted

2001 ◽  
Vol 23 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 503-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adele E. Goldberg
Keyword(s):  
Causative Verbs

Tendenzen zur Affixderivation im Verbalbereich des modernen Chinesisch?

1989 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 630-637
Author(s):  
Helga Beutel
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Progressive Form ◽  
The One ◽  
Contemporary Chinese ◽  
Causative Verbs

Summary In the word formation of verbs in contemporary Chinese (putonghua) there are some one- syllable verbal morphemes that are attached to two-syllable (two-morpheme) verbs as a third syllable repeating synonymously tho meaning the two-syllable verbs already have. In this function the one-syllable verbal morphemes show properties of both compounds and derivations and represent a productive pattern of word formation forming semantically and syntactically uniform three-syllable verbs. In this connection we propose to treat verbs like dào “to say” that transform causative verba dicendi into non-causative verba dicondi and verbs like yŏu “to have, to exist” that substitute the function of the “aspect-suffix” zhe (“progressive form”) of verbs of existence as frequent constituents (“häufige Konstituenten”). Finally we suggest to treat huà “to change” as a quasi-suffix that transforms verbs, nouns, and adjectives into a certain subclass of causative verbs.

scholarly journals A New Argument for the Lexical Underspecification of Causers

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-824
Author(s):  
James E. Lavine ◽  
Leonard H. Babby
Keyword(s):  
Large Class ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Sufficient Condition ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Mere Presence ◽  
Causative Verbs

This article shows how a systematic impersonalization alternation in Russian provides additional evidence for underspecification in argument structure. In the case of a large class of lexically causative verbs, the causer is realized either as a volitional Agent in the nominative case or as an oblique-marked, nonvolitional causer, depending on how the event is construed. A causative theory of accusative is advanced, according to which the mere presence of external causation is a sufficient condition for accusative licensing, including those cases that lack an external argument altogether. The analysis is extended to explain accusative preservation in the Icelandic “fate accusative” construction.

Reassessing the Position of Kanakanavu and Saaroa among the Formosan Languages

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Zeitoun ◽  
Stacy F. Teng
Keyword(s):  
Formosan Languages

Processing Double Accusatives with Korean Dative/Causative Verbs: An ERP Study

2021 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 117-142
Author(s):  
Wonil Chung ◽  
Say Young Kim ◽  
Myung-Kwan Park
Keyword(s):  
Causative Verbs

Measuring the alternation strength of causative verbs

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 219-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence Romain
Keyword(s):  
Careful Analysis ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Object Position ◽  
Causative Alternation ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
Central Elements ◽  
Causative Construction ◽  
Qualitative Analyses ◽  
Causative Verbs

Abstract This paper presents a method for quantitative and qualitative analyses of the causative alternation in English, where verbs may alternate between a transitive (causative) construction (Santa crinkled his eyes) and an intransitive (non-causative) construction (His eyes crinkled).1 The aim of this paper is to present a method designed to measure the alternation strength of causative verbs, i.e. the extent to which they alternate between the two constructions. One of the central elements this paper investigates is the Theme, i.e. the participant that is in subject position in the intransitive construction and object position in the transitive construction. A distinctive collostructional analysis (Gries and Stefanowitsch 2004) shows that certain verbs are significantly attracted to one of either two constructions while others are equivalently distributed in the two constructions. However, after careful analysis it appears that very few Themes actually overlap between the two constructions (Lemmens forthcoming) which indicates that each construction seems to be rather restrictive regarding which Themes they recruit. The low degree of alternation of the Themes leads us to ask ourselves the extent to which the alternation is part of a speaker’s knowledge of their language.

Sublexical modality in defeasible causative verbs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabienne Martin ◽  
Florian Schäfer
Keyword(s):  
Learning Process ◽  
Event Structures ◽  
Change Of State ◽  
Modal Component ◽  
Intentional Agents ◽  
Causative Verbs

This chapter is dedicated to an ambiguity characteristic of what we call defeasible causative verbs (of which ‘teach’ is an example). With agentive subjects, the change of state (CoS) encoded by these verbs (e.g. a learning process) can be entirely denied, giving rise to what we call the “zero-CoS” non-culminating reading of these verbs. With causer subjects, however, the same verbs seem to entail the occurrence of (a part of) the CoS (including in imperfective sentences). We argue that this ambiguity cannot be handled by positing different event structures under the agentive and non-agentive uses. Under the analysis proposed, the semantics of these verbs involve a sublexical modal component à la Koenig and Davis (2001), both with agent and causer subjects. In favor of positing a sublexical modality with all types of subject, we investigate the conditions under which the zero-CoS reading is available even with a subset of inanimate subjects and “non-intentional” agents.

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