scholarly journals The Remote Causes of Affirmative Action, or School Desegregation in Kansas City, Missouri

1996 ◽  
Vol 84 (4) ◽  
pp. 1101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Epstein
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Kansas City ◽  
School Desegregation

I Can’t Wear Your Colors

White Balance ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 102-125
Author(s):  
Justin Gomer
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Low Income ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
War On Drugs ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Black Communities ◽  
Justice Department ◽  
Neutral Language

This chapter examines Ronald Reagan’s first presidential term, the rise of the War on Drugs, and Rocky III (1982). Reagan took office hopeful that he could ban affirmative action and stop school desegregation orders by reframing racial discrimination as an individual rather than a group is- sue. With this, Reagan’s Justice Department developed a politics of colorblind neoliberalism. Reagan also ramped up the War on Drugs, which targeted low-income black communities and relied on resurrecting popular media representations of urban blacks as animalistic criminals in need of discipline and punishment by the state. Rocky III engages Reagan’s War and, in so doing, reveals that although colorblindness in many ways represented a new racial discourse in America—one based in racially neutral language and neoliberal notions of individualism—beginning in the 1980s it increasingly relied on very old tenets of antiblackness.

Nixon's Southern Strategy Revisited

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dean J. Kotlowski
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
White Southerners ◽  
Minority Businesses

Recently, the story of President Richard M. Nixon's “southern strategy” and its relationship to school desegregation has become a ripe topic for historical revision. Ever wary of the shifty-eyed Nixon, contemporary critics argued that the president had retreated from civil rights to win the votes of conservative white southerners. Modifying this thesis, recent scholars have concluded that the president was neither a segregationist nor a conservative on the race question. These writers have shown that Nixon desegregated more schools than previous presidents, approved a strengthened Voting Rights Act, developed policies to aid minority businesses, and supported affirmative action.

Defending White Rights

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Golub
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Color Blindness ◽  
Racial Group ◽  
Racial Equality ◽  
Racial Consciousness ◽  
Judicial Activism ◽  
Logical Conclusion ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Color Blind

Chapter 5 analyzes how color-blind constitutionalism developed into a powerful rights-based defense of white political interests in the Supreme Court’s affirmative action and post-Brown voluntary school desegregation cases. Understood as a form of conservative judicial activism, color-blindness requires a strong recognition of white victims as a racial group, and so necessarily enacts the very racial consciousness it claims to reject. Taken to its logical conclusion, color-blindness renders the pursuit of racial equality itself constitutionally suspect, and not just the use of race-conscious remedies as a means for achieving it.

Complex Justice: The Case ofMissouri v. Jenkins. By Joshua M. Dunn. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008. 240p. $39.95.

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaston Alonso
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Urban Communities ◽  
Kansas City ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
University Of North Carolina ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Communities Of Color ◽  
Judicial Policymaking

Joshua Dunn presents a carefully researched study of Missouri v. Jenkins, a Kansas City case that led to the nation's “most expansive and expensive” school desegregation effort (p. 4). Dunn draws important lessons from the case regarding the limitations of judicial policymaking and the inability, and often unwillingness, of our nation to respond to demands by urban communities of color that equal and excellent schools be made available to all children.

Affirmative Action and Leadership Attitudes in Brazilian Women Managers

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gazi Islam ◽  
Sarah E. S. Zilenovsky
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Women Managers ◽  
Psychological Effects ◽  
Preferential Selection ◽  
Justice Perceptions ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship

This note examines the relationship between affirmative action (AA) program perceptions and women’s self-ascribed capacity and desire to become leaders. We propose that women who believe that their organization implements a program of preferential selection toward women will experience negative psychological effects leading to lowered self-expectations for leadership, but that this effect will be moderated by their justice perceptions of AA programs. We test this proposition empirically for the first time with a Latin American female sample. Among Brazilian women managers, desire but not self-ascribed capacity to lead was reduced when they believed an AA policy was in place. Both desire’s and capacity’s relationships with belief in an AA policy were moderated by justice perceptions.

Affirming Affirmative Action

1990 ◽  
Vol 35 (8) ◽  
pp. 797-798
Author(s):  
Phyllis A. Katz
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action
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