Social Order and the Public Philosophy: An Analysis and Interpretation of the Work of Herbert Blumer

1992 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Grenier ◽  
S. M. Lyman ◽  
A. J. Vidich ◽  
Herbert Blumer
1990 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 337
Author(s):  
Mahmoud Sadri ◽  
Stanford M. Lyman ◽  
Arthur J. Vidich ◽  
Herbert Blumer

Social Forces ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 1325
Author(s):  
Charles W. Tucker ◽  
Stanford M. Lyman ◽  
Arthur J. Vidich

Human Affairs ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olatunji Oyeshile

Sense of Community and its Sustenance in AfricaThere is no gainsaying the fact that Africa is inundated with many problems which have made the development and the attainment of social order, conceived in normative terms, daunting tasks. It is also a fact that there are many causes of this scenario such as political marginalization, ethnic chauvinism, economic mismanagement, religious bigotry and corruption in its various facets. However, in this disquisition we identify the lack of the development, internalization and application of the sense of community, loosely tagged community consciousness, as a major factor that has aggravated the African crisis and which if addressed can reverse the order of things positively. It is the contention of this paper that fundamentally in the case of Africa, as shown in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia and Nigeria, there has been a blind pursuit of private or individual interests to the detriment of the public sphere or public good. Ironically too, when leaders put up repressive laws in the pretense to pursue the public good, the underlying motive has always been the pursuit of selfish private whims and caprices. We noted that in contemporary Africa a major way towards a desired level of social order and development consists in engendering the required sense of community (a situation in which there is mutual co-operation, interdependence and fellow-feeling) on which other developments can be predicated. Although, the quest and realization of the sense of community is not a grand solution to our myriad of problems in Africa, at least it forms the basis on which we can start to address our problems in Africa in a meaningful way.


Complexity ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Yi-Cheng Zhang ◽  
Zhi Li ◽  
Guo-Bing Zhou ◽  
Nai-Ru Xu ◽  
Jia-Bao Liu

After the occurrence of public health emergencies, due to the uncertainty of the evolution of events and the asymmetry of pandemic information, the public’s risk perception will fluctuate dramatically. Excessive risk perception often causes the public to overreact to emergencies, resulting in irrational behaviors, which have a negative impact on economic development and social order. However, low-risk perception will reduce individual awareness of prevention and control, which is not conducive to the implementation of government pandemic prevention and control measures. Therefore, it is of great significance to accurately evaluate public risk perception for improving government risk management. This paper took the evolution of public risk perception based on the COVID-19 region as the research object. First, we analyze the characteristics of infectious diseases in the evolution of public risk perception of public health emergencies. Second, we analyze the characteristics of risk perception transmission in social networks. Third, we establish the dynamic model of public risk perception evolution based on SEIR, and the evolution mechanism of the public risk perception network is revealed through simulation experiments. Finally, we provide policy suggestions for government departments to deal with public health emergencies based on the conclusions of this study.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Patrícia Silveira de Farias

Resumo: Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre as noções de democracia, democracia racial e ordem social, a partir da análise do processo de construção de duas pesquisas efetuadas sobre um mesmo espaço: a orla do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil – em dois momentos distintos: a virada do século XX para o XXI e os anos 10 de século XXI. As noções acima citadas são estudadas a partir dos pontos de vista dos diversos segmentos sociais que frequentam e trabalham no local, inclusive agentes do Estado, no caso do segundo momento, que privilegia a ação de segurança pública intitulada “Choque de Ordem”. Para isso, usou-se metodologia qualitativa, através de entrevistas em profundidade e etnografia, além de levantamento documental de leis, ordenamentos e pesquisa bibliográfica sobre tais temáticas. Como conclusões, salienta-se que as formas de entendimento do que seja democracia e ordem dependem da posição que cada grupo social ocupa na sociedade brasileira mais ampla, e são atravessadas e modeladas por critérios étnico-raciais e de classe. Observa-se também a importância política que o espaço público praia assume para dar visibilidade às disputas de sentido em torno de questões como igualdade, liberdade e hierarquias de classe e de cor na sociedade brasileira.Palavras-chave: praia; ordem social; “Choque de Ordem”; democracia. ***Abstract:  This paper is intended to discuss the notions of democracy, racial democracy and social order, by analyzing the building process of two researches which focused the same place: Rio de Janeiro’s beaches, in Brazil. These two researches took place at distinct historical moments; one, at the last years of XX century, and the other, in the first decade of the XXI century. The notions cited above are studied from the perspectives of the various social segments that frequently go or work there, especially State agents which are part of the public policy named “Choque de Ordem” (a kind of “Order Assault”). In order to do this, these researches are based on qualitative methodology, with interviews and ethnography, and also on documental study of the laws which inflects on this public territory, and bibliographic research on these issues. As a conclusion, the article points out that the way people understand democracy and social order will depend on the position each group has in the broader Brazilian society, and that these ideas are tied to and are modeled by ethnic and class criteria.  Its stresses also the political relevance that this public space, the beach, assumes, in order to give visibility to the dispute around the meaning of equality, freedom and hierarchies of color/race and class in Brazilian society.Key words: beach; social order; “Choque de Ordem”; democracy. ***Resumen:Este paper presenta una discusión de las ideas de democracia, democracia racial y orden social, a partir de la análisis del proceso de construcción de dos pesquisas efectuadas en lo mismo local: las playas de Rio de Janeiro, en Brasil, en dos momentos distintos: fines del siglo XX e mediados del siglo XXI. Las dichas nociones son analizadas a partir del punto de vista de los diversos segmentos sociales que van o trabajan en este local, incluso agentes del Estado, en lo segundo momento, que se detiene en la acción de seguridad publica denominada el “Choque de Ordem”. Para eso, se usó la metodología cualitativa, con base en entrevistas y etnografía, y también en las leyes, ordenamientos e demás estudios sobre tales temáticas. Como conclusiones, enfatizase que las formas de comprenderse el significado de democracia y de orden dependen de la posición que cada grupo social tiene en la sociedad brasileña más amplia, y son travesadas y modeladas por criterios etnicoraciales y de clase social. Observase también la importancia política que éste espacio público, la playa, asume en dar visibilidad a las disputas de sentido sobre asuntos como igualdad, libertad y jerarquías de clase y de color en la sociedad brasileña.Palabras clave: playa; orden social; “Choque de Ordem”; democracia.       


Author(s):  
Jason Brennan

This chapter outlines three arguments on behalf of a duty to vote: the Agency Argument, the Public Goods Argument, and the Civic Virtue Argument. The Agency Argument held that citizens should bear some causal responsibility in helping to produce and maintain a just social order with adequate levels of welfare. The Agency Argument asserts that voting is necessary to do this. The Public Goods Argument holds that nonvoters unfairly free-ride on the provision of good governance. Failing to vote is like failing to pay taxes—it places a differential burden on others who do the hard work of providing good government. Meanwhile, the Civic Virtue Argument holds that voting is an essential way to exercise civic virtue, and civic virtue is an important moral virtue.


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