The Last Suffrage Movement: Voting Rights for Persons with Cognitive and Emotional Disabilities

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kay Schriner ◽  
Lisa A. Ochs ◽  
Todd G. Shields
Keyword(s):  
Emotional Disabilities ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Suffrage Movement

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
York State ◽  
Suffrage Movement

This chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. It argues that the anti-suffrage women in New York State were not mentally deranged or even women who simply followed the lead of their husbands or male relatives. Virtually all of them sincerely believed that suffrage was wrong for women, or that women generally needed more time to develop political capability. While their contentions were themselves idealistic, even outdated, anti-suffragists won enough of the battles to help prevent the granting of voting rights to women for seventy-two years. Anti-suffragists were vitally important to the suffrage movement for they provided an opportunity for suffragists to clarify their arguments and hone their political techniques, even influencing shifts in the ways suffragists presented their argument.

No Votes for Women

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York State ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Public ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Women's Equality ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
Conservative Women

This book explores the complicated history of the suffrage movement in New York State by delving into the stories of women who opposed the expansion of voting rights to women. The book makes the case that, contrary to popular thought, women who opposed suffrage were not against women's rights. Instead, conservative women who fought against suffrage encouraged women to retain their distinctive feminine identities as protectors of their homes and families, a role they felt was threatened by the imposition of masculine political responsibilities. The book details the victories and defeats on both sides of the movement from its start in the 1890s to its end in the 1930s, analyzing not only how local and state suffrage and anti-suffrage campaigns impacted the national suffrage movement, but also how both sides refined their appeals to the public based on their counterparts' arguments. Rather than condemning the women of the anti-suffragist movement for accepting or even trying to preserve the status quo, the book acknowledges the powerful activism of this often overlooked and misunderstood political force in the history of women's equality.

“They Are All She Had”

2019 ◽  
pp. 186-210
Author(s):  
Pippa Holloway
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
African American Men ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Incarcerated Women ◽  
Citizenship Rights ◽  
Formerly Incarcerated ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Felony Disenfranchisement ◽  
Formerly Incarcerated Women

The chapter offers a unique exploration of the struggle for women’s suffrage by analyzing how formerly incarcerated women responded to the concept of infamy, the legal category of the loss of citizenship rights. The chapter highlights the tension between the South’s disenfranchisement practices and the concurrent demands of the suffrage movement by analyzing petitions to regain citizenship rights for female felons. These petitions come from a variety of states, including one from Hawaii’s Queen Liliuokolani alongside many other unrecognized women. Whereas most discussions of felony disenfranchisement have focused on African American men, this chapter uncovers a previously unwritten history that connects the struggle for suffrage with the struggle for voting rights among formerly incarcerated women. Rather than relegate these women as politically voiceless and nonhistorical actors, however, the essay instead recognizes convicted women as political actors willing to fight for their full citizenship rights as individuals inspired by the suffrage movement but without the organizational movement behind their individual efforts.

scholarly journals Women & the Vote

Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Global Patterns ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

There are four contexts in which women have won voting rights: as part of a universal reform for all citizens (15 percent of countries that granted women suffrage); imposed by a conqueror or colonial metropole (28 percent); gradually, after some men had been enfranchised (44 percent); or a hybrid category, often in the wake of re-democratization (14 percent). This essay outlines the global patterns of these reforms and argues that in a plurality of cases, where women's suffrage was gradual, enfranchisement depended on an electoral logic. Politicians subject to competition who believed women would, on average, support their party, supported reform. The suffrage movement provided information, and a potential mobilization apparatus, for politicians to draw on after the vote was extended. Together, both activism and electoral incentives were imperative for reform, providing important lessons for feminist mobilization today.

Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-606
Author(s):  
Rachel Michelle Gunter
Keyword(s):  
White Women ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
The State ◽  
Immigrant Rights ◽  
American Women ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Mind ◽  
Woman Suffrage Movement

AbstractAs a result of the woman suffrage movement, citizenship and voting rights, though considered separate issues by the courts, became more intertwined in the mind of the average American. This interconnectedness was also a product of the concurrent movement to disfranchise immigrant declarant voters—immigrants who had filed their intention to become citizens but had not completed the naturalization process. This essay shows how suffragists pursued immigrant declarant disfranchisement as part of the woman suffrage movement, arguing that the same competitive political conditions that encouraged politicians to enfranchise primarily white, citizen women led them to disfranchise immigrant declarants. It analyzes suffragists’ arguments at both the state and national levels that voting was a right of citizens who had met their wartime obligations to the nation, and maintains that woman suffrage and the votes of white women who supported the measures disfranchising immigrant declarants and limiting immigrant rights should be included in historians’ understanding of the immigration restrictionist and nativist movements.

From Seneca to Shelby

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celeste Montoya
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Gender And Race ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
Eighteenth And Nineteenth Centuries ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In ◽  
Broad Overview

One hundred years after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, the ability of women—all women—to effectively exercise the right to vote is far from guaranteed. This chapter provides a broad overview of women’s voting rights that emphasizes the intersections of gender and race starting with the woman’s suffrage movement of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and moving to the recent attacks on voting rights and the potential intersectional implications they might have. This analysis takes what are often treated as two separate narratives of voting rights, one about gender and the other about race, and identifies the intersectional interventions that have or might be made in order to create a more inclusive and continuous account of women’s voting rights.

scholarly journals London’s Suffragettes, Votes for Women, and Fashion

2018 ◽  
pp. 81-95
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kociołek
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Political Cartoons ◽  
Cognitive Metaphor ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
The Press ◽  
Metaphor Theory ◽  
The Relationship

Suffragettes’ militant campaigns for voting rights are commonly dissociated from fashion, yet, in fact clothing and accessories were widely used by Emmeline Pankhurst and her fellow activists to gain visibility and increase public support for the suffrage movement. As commented by Katrina Rolley (1990), the suffragettes were frequently confronted with unfavourable representation of themselves in the press. Yet, thanks to their distinctive use of fashion, as observed by Paula Bartley (2002), the so called “Coronation Procession” held on 17 June 1911 in London was “one of the most colourful and spectacular of all the women’s suffrage demonstrations” (122‒123). Because there is little research on the importance of fashion in public space and the relationship between fashion and the women’s movement, the objective of the article is to show how sartorial practices of suffragettes countered their negative representation in the press. By applying elements of Cognitive Metaphor Theory to selected political cartoons by William Kerridge Haselden in the Daily Mirror, and fashion advertisements in Votes for Women magazine, the article demonstrates that the suffragettes used fashion in order to both increase their public visibility and to conform to normative femininity.

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