China & the World in the 1970'sChina and the Major Powers in East Asia. By A. Doak Barnett The Sino-Soviet Confrontation: Implications for the Future. By Harold C. Hinton The Dual of the Giants. By Drew Middleton The Military Equation in Northeast Asia. By Stuart E. Johnson and Joseph A. Yager China, the United Nations and World Order. By Samuel S. Kim

Polity ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
Frank Cibulka
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
World Order ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Military

China, the UN, and Human Protection

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Foot
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
World Order ◽  
Active Engagement ◽  
Fair Share ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The Core ◽  
Short Period ◽  
The Future ◽  
The United Nations

Over a relatively short period of time, Beijing moved from passive involvement with the UN to active engagement. How are we to make sense of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) embrace of the UN, and what does its engagement mean in larger terms? Is it a ‘supporter’ that takes its fair share of responsibilities, or a ‘spoiler’ that seeks to transform the UN’s contribution to world order? Certainly, it is difficult to label it a ‘shirker’ in the last decade or more, given Beijing’s apparent appreciation of the UN, its provision of public goods to the organization, and its stated desire to offer ‘Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems facing mankind’. This study traces questions such as these, interrogating the value of such categorization through direct focus on Beijing’s involvement in one of the most contentious areas of UN activity—human protection—contentious because the norm of human protection tips the balance away from the UN’s Westphalian state-based profile, towards the provision of greater protection for the security of individuals and their individual liberties. The argument that follows shows that, as an ever-more crucial actor within the United Nations, Beijing’s rhetoric and some of its practices are playing an increasingly important role in determining how this norm is articulated and interpreted. In some cases, the PRC is also influencing how these ideas of human protection are implemented. At stake in the questions this book tackles is both how we understand the PRC as a participant in shaping global order, and the future of some of the core norms that constitute global order.

The Future of Human Rights: A View from the United Nations

2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Gilmour
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The Other ◽  
World Summit ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Peace And Development ◽  
Made In

Ever since the Charter of the United Nations was signed in 1945, human rights have constituted one of its three pillars, along with peace and development. As noted in a dictum coined during the World Summit of 2005: “There can be no peace without development, no development without peace, and neither without respect for human rights.” But while progress has been made in all three domains, it is with respect to human rights that the organization's performance has experienced some of its greatest shortcomings. Not coincidentally, the human rights pillar receives only a fraction of the resources enjoyed by the other two—a mere 3 percent of the general budget.

scholarly journals Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century: strategic interests in comparative perspective1

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-150
Author(s):  
André Luiz Reis da Silva ◽  
Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
World Order ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Divergence Point ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Military

This research aims to compare the strategic interests and the positioning at the foreign policy level of Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century, considering the rise to power of, respectively, Workers’ Party (PT, in Portuguese) and Justice and Development’s Party (AKP, in Turkish). Methodologically, it was used bibliographical research and analysis of speeches in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 2010 and 2015. It was verified convergence between Brazil and Turkey in themes as the acknowledgment of the multipolarity of the World Order, the necessity of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform, the importance of the fortification of the global economic governance by G-20 and the compromise with the International Law, with the terrorism combat and with the Humans Right protections. As divergence point, it was verified the debates about the sort of reform to be implemented at the UNSC and some questions involving the Arab Spring, such as the military intervention at Libya in 2011. At last, some themes are more recurrent at one country’s foreign policy than another’s; as topics regarding Central Asia and Middle East, at Turkey’s case, and subjects regarding BRICS and south-american regional integration, at Brazil’s case.

United Nations Peacekeeping Intelligence

2010 ◽  
pp. 274-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Walter Dorn
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
World Order ◽  
Human Intelligence ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Intelligence Gathering ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Monitoring Technologies

This article discusses the United Nations and its peacekeeping intelligence. The United Nations has become a player in the global intelligence game. Given the inability of the UN to live up to its peace and security ideals, the disinclination of nations to share intelligence with it, the ad hoc nature of its responses to global crises, and its reluctance to consider itself as an intelligence-gathering organization, the UN's increasing involvement in the global intelligence came as a surprise. However, the UN has privileged access to many of the world's conflict zones, through its peacekeeping operations (PKOs). Its uniformed and civilian personnel serve as the eyes and the ears of the world in many hotspots. They report the latest developments at the frontiers of the world order and in the midst of civil war. In previous years, the UN relied heavily on overt surveillance through overt human intelligence. It employed direct monitoring and direct observation. Although human intelligence has helped resolved conflicts, overt human intelligence is not sufficient. With the new mandate and the difficult and dangerous environment of many PKOs during the Cold War, the United Nations was forced to change and reform its approach to intelligence. The UN is now including imagery intelligence (IMINT) and signals intelligence (SIGINT) in their approach to intelligence and is currently developing intelligence structures within its missions. Topics discussed in this article include: case studies of peacekeeping operations of the UN in countries with conflict such as Korea, Namibia, and Congo; monitoring technologies of the institution; and intelligence cycle of UN.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
United Nations ◽  
World Order ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Michael Polanyi ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations

This chapter concludes that the book has shown that the mid-century globalist discourse was distinctly political: visions of world order sought to adapt political ideas like democracy, liberty, pluralism, and empire to the changing perceptions of the spatial conditions of the world. It has examined how proponents of globalism such as Lionel Robbins, Michael Polanyi, and Friedrich A. Hayek increasingly perceived liberty as a universal entitlement. The chapter ties together the various theoretical and historical narratives of global thought in the 1940s and offers some reflections on the decline of the globalist ideology at the end of the decade, along with its omnipresent return at the end of the twentieth century. It considers how some of the seeds sown in the mid-century debates about globalism developed eventually into institutions, organizations, and political movements, a classic example of which is the United Nations.

The Spiritual Dimension of the World Order

1979 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Robert Muller
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
World Order ◽  
Human Existence ◽  
Spiritual Dimension ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations

Nothing is more refreshing to the Christian than to learn of highly-placed leaders in the United Nations whose approach to the complexities of today's world is informed by the spiritual dimension of human existence. UN official Robert Muller speaks to the possibility for nations to resolve even their most acute differences through patient and respectful dialogic encounter.

Security Council Resolution 678 and Persian Gulf Decision Making: Precarious Legitimacy

1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burns H. Weston
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Military Force ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Rule Making

In his recent book The Power of Legitimacy Among Nations, Thomas Franck defines “legitimacy” as it applies to the rules applicable among states. “Legitimacy,” he writes, “is a property of a rule or rule-making institution which itself exerts a pull toward compliance on those addressed normatively because those addressed believe that the rule or institution has come into being and operates in accordance with generally accepted principles of right process.In adopting Resolution 678 of November 29, 1990, implicitly authorizing the use of force against Iraq in response to Iraq’s August 2, 1990 invasion and subsequent occupation of Kuwait, the United Nations Security Council made light of fundamental UN Charter precepts and thereby flirted precariously with “generally accepted principles of right process.” It eschewed direct UN responsibility and accountability for the military force that ultimately was deployed, favoring, instead, a delegated, essentially unilateralist determination and orchestration of world policy, coordinated and controlled almost exclusively by the United States. And, in so doing, it encouraged a too-hasty retreat from the preeminently peaceful and humanitarian purposes and principles of the United Nations. As a consequence, it set a dubious precedent, both for the United Nations as it stands today and for the “new world order” that is claimed for tomorrow.

scholarly journals Le basculement vers le Sud de la politque de défense de l’Espagne (Note)

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-609
Author(s):  
Alberto Santos
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Political Action ◽  
World Order ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
World Government ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
Historical Basis ◽  
World Organization

Entering the 21st century, the question facing mankind is whether we will be able to find, agree upon and activate solutions adequate to resolve world problems which have plagued the 20th century and which increasingly threaten the 21 st. The central argument presented here is that it is only by taking concrete steps at the world level that we can hope to reduce or eliminate the threat to survival which these problems represent. In order to provide a framework from which prospects for the future of the world organization can be analysed, the "world order" perspective is compared with a more traditional perspective. The challenges that world problems and crises pose for the world organization are examined. Using the fundamental changes undergone by both the League of Nations and the United Nations as an historical basis for scrutinizing the future, the changes that increasingly complex problems may force on the world organization are explored. Changes such as a "reinforced United Nations" (without delegation of sovereignty), a "World Authority" (with partial delegation of sovereignty) or a "World Government" (with major delegation of sovereignty) are evaluated in terms of the world organization' s ability to handle potential world crises and problems. The conclusion establishes that there is a pressing need for immediate political action which would aim towards a coalition of all groups researching solutions to world problems and would be based on the "world order" ideology of the majority rather than the "world-oriented" ideology of a self-interested minority.

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