The Bank of Nova Scotia in the Caribbean, 1889–1940

1989 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil C. Quigley

By examining the activities of the Bank of Nova Scotia, this article demonstrates that Canadian banks established branches in the Caribbean to finance trade with the United States rather than with Canada. The expertise of Canadian banks in the management of branch networks and in the finance of international trade was the basis on which they successfully filled an important gap in the provision of banking services for the Hispanic Caribbean and offered strong competition to the American banks that expanded into the region after 1914.

1992 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Martínez-Fernández

As early as the first decades of the sixteenth century, when English and Dutch corsairs and privateers began to challenge Spain's exclusivist claims to the New World, the struggle for control over the Americas began to be couched in terms of a holy war. The Caribbean, in particular, became the arena in which the commercial, ideological and military forces of Protestant Northern Europe and Catholic Southern Europe clashed. Spanish officials commonly referred to the English and Dutch intruders as “heretics” and “Lutheran corsairs,” while Francis Drake and his fellow Elizabethan sea dogs believed that their penetration of the New World was a crusade against Popery, Catholic fanaticism and idolatry. These rivalries continued for centuries as new actors, the United States in particular, inherited some of the old roles.


1987 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 734
Author(s):  
Richard Hart ◽  
Kai P. Schoenhals ◽  
Richard A. Melanson

Significance The government will appeal the rulings, which follow action by renewables firms. With constitutional battles over energy investments already unfolding, the future of Mexico’s energy framework has been thrown into turmoil. Impacts Increasing energy prices will probably push inflation above Banxico’s upper target limit of 4%. AMLO’s apparent disregard for international trade agreements will strain relations with the United States. AMLO’s pro-austerity fiscal stance could take a toll on his popularity.


1990 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Odell

The international trade problems of the 1980s stimulated an expansion of scholarship on trade policies by economists and political scientists. At least four distinct theoretical perspectives weave their way through recent literature that concentrates on the United States—emphasizing market conditions, policy beliefs and values, national political institutions, and global structures, respectively. New studies in each of these traditions advance beyond the work of their predecessors, but none of the perspectives has yet proved adequate as a single unifying vehicle. Nevertheless, we can also see clear movement toward a synthesis, with single works blending insights from several traditions. Thus, the books under review do not all fall neatly into the familiar exclusive categories of “economics” or “political science.” The emerging synthesis needs strengthening in several ways, including the development of “conditioning hypotheses” that will reduce remaining apparent confusions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
M. Anaam Hashmi

The Mercosur trade alliance formed in 1991 is composed of six full member countries. Historically, Mercosur member countries have been engaged in international trade with the United States, Japan, and the European Union, but recently, China has become a dominant player in the region, with increased foreign direct investment and international trade. Chinese commercial and trade involvement was followed by a visit to the region by President Jiang Zemin in 2001; therefore, this study relied on a 2000–2015 data series. Chinese enterprises are competing well with U.S. corporations in almost all Mercosur member countries. A majority of Mercosur members had a trade deficit with China in recent years, suggesting that Mercosur members cannot leverage their export industries and are losing their competitiveness. The future of the Mercosur-China trade relationship is bright because both sides require each other’s products. Future involvement also depends on the Chinese government’s strategic goals, and the competitiveness of U.S. corporations.


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