Selling Cut-Over Lands in Wisconsin

1954 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 236-247
Author(s):  
Lucile Kane

In 1906, nine important lumber firms set up a jointly owned company to sell their cut-over lands in northwestern Wisconsin to potential farmers. The land company learned, from its experience with various classes of buyers, that the most reliable was the owner-occupant who had made a substantial down payment. Even when a settler fell behind in his payments, the company did not foreclose unless the debtor left his land or was obviously making no effort to pay. Competition from other land companies tended to lower the price of land and also to inflate sales costs, but at its dissolution in 1940 the company showed a moderate profit. Thus the policy adopted by the nine lumber firms, of holding the cut-overs for sale to settlers rather than letting the land revert to the state for taxes, found a commercial justification.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Prashant H. Bhagat

The BID (Board of Industrial Development) framed the legislation and it was introduced before the state legislation and passed in the form of Maharashtra Industrial Act which gave birth to Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation (MIDC), as a separate corporation on August 1, 1962. The BID was the first personnel strength of MIDC. A small ceremony at Wagle Estate Thane, under the Chairmanship of the Chief Minister Shri Y.B. Chavan, marked the birth of MIDC on August 1, 1962. The Board of Industrial Development during its existence between October 1, 1960 and August 1, 1962 has done enough spade work to identify the locations for setting up industrial areas in different parts of the state. Thus, right in the first year of establishment MIDC came up with 14 industrial areas, to initiate action for infrastructure and help entrepreneurs set up the industrial units in those areas. Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation is the nodal industrial infrastructure development agency of the Maharashtra Government with the basic objective of setting up industrial areas with a provision of industrial infrastructure all over the state for planned and systematic industrial development. MIDC is an innovative, professionally managed, and user friendly organization that provides the world industrial infrastructure. MIDC has played a vital role in the development of industrial infrastructure in the state of Maharashtra. As the state steps into the next millennium, MIDC lives up to its motto Udyamat Sakal Samruddhi i.e., prosperity to all through industrialization. Indeed, in the endeavor of the state to retain its prime position in the industrial sector, MIDC has played a pivotal role in the last 35 years. MIDC has developed 268 industrial estates across the state which spread over 52653 hectares of land. The growth of the Corporation, achieved in the various fields, during the last three years, could be gauged from the fact that the area currently in possession of MIDC has doubled from 25,000 hectares in 1995.


Author(s):  
David K. Jones

The fight over an exchange had a very different dynamic in New Mexico because there were no loud voices on the right calling for the state to reject control. Republican Governor Susanna Martinez supported retaining control, but strongly preferred a governance model that allowed insurers to serve on the board of directors and limited the degree of oversight by the board on the types of plans that could be sold on the exchange. Governor Martinez vetoed legislation in 2011 that would have set up a different model of an exchange. Institutional quirks meant the legislature did not have the opportunity to weigh in again for two years, until 2013. By this point it was too late and the state had to rely on the federal website despite passing legislation to run its own exchange.


Focaal ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2009 (54) ◽  
pp. 89-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Projit Bihari Mukharji

The reflections in this article were instigated by the repeated and brutal clashes since 2007 between peasants and the state government’s militias—both official and unofficial—over the issue of industrialization. A communist government engaging peasants violently in order to acquire and transfer their lands to big business houses to set up capitalist enterprises seemed dramatically ironic. De- spite the presence of many immediate causes for the conflict, subtle long-term change to the nature of communist politics in the state was also responsible for the present situation. This article identifies two trends that, though significant, are by themselves not enough to explain what is happening in West Bengal today. First, the growth of a culture of governance where the Communist Party actively seeks to manage rather than politicize social conflicts; second, the recasting of radical political subjectivity as a matter of identity rather than an instigation for critical self-reflection and self-transformation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


Author(s):  
Carlos FERNÁNDEZ DE CASADEVANTE ROMANÍ

LABURPENA: Lan honek Bidasoan eta Higerreko badian arrantzatzeari buruzko 1959ko uztailaren 14ko Espainiaren eta Frantziaren arteko hitzarmenaren konstituzio-kontrakotasuna aztertzen du, Espainiari dagokionez. Hitzarmen horrek, hain zuzen ere, espazio horietako ibai-arrantza, itsaski-bilketa eta akuikultura arautzen ditu, bai eta horietan egindako arau-hausteen ikuskapena eta zehapena ere, eta konstituzioa onartu eta ia berrogei urtera, ez du zuzenketarik izan araudi berrira egokitzeko. Hau da, alor horietan eta ur horietan Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoak duen eskumen esklusibora egokitu gabe dago oraindik. Arazo hori konpontzeko, bi aukera proposatzen dira: Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoaren organo eskudunek konstituzio-kontrakotasuneko errekurtsoa jartzea, edo Estatuko Gobernuari Hitzarmena eguneratzeko eskatzea, hitzarmenei eta nazioarteko beste akordio batzuei buruzko azaroaren 27ko 25/2014 Legearen 49., 50. eta 51. artikuluetan xedatutako prozedurak erabiliz. Izan ere, prozedura horietan autonomien parte-hartzea aurreikusten da. RESUMEN: El trabajo aborda la inconstitucionalidad, en lo que a España se refiere, del Convenio hispano-francés de 14 de julio de 1959, relativo a la pesca en el Bidasoa y Bahía de Higuer; tratado que regula la pesca fluvial, el marisqueo y la acuicultura en esos espacios, así como la inspección y sanción de las infracciones al mismo, pero que casi cuarenta años después del vigente bloque de constitucionalidad no ha sido enmendado para adaptarlo al mismo. Esto es, a la competencia exclusiva de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca en esas materias y en esas aguas. Para corregir esta anomalía se propone que los órganos competentes de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca soliciten al Gobierno del Estado la enmienda del Convenio en el marco de los procedimientos instaurados por los arts. 49, 50 y 51 de la Ley 25/2014, de 27 de noviembre, de Tratados y otros acuerdos internacionales; procedimientos que contemplan la participación autonómica. ABSTRACT: The article deals with the unconstitutionality, as far as Spain is concerned, of the Spanish-French Convention of July 14, 1959, concerning fishing in the Bidasoa and Higuer Bay; treaty ruling river fishing, shellfish and aquaculture in these waters as well as inspection and punishment of violations of it. Nevertheless, nearly forty years after the current block of constitutionality it has not been adapted to it; this is the exclusive competence of the Basque Autonomous Community in these areas and in those waters. To correct this anomaly the request by the competent bodies of the Basque Autonomous Community for the amendment of the Convention to the Government of the State in the framework of the procedures set up buy articles 49, 50 and 51 of the Law 27/2014, of 27 November, of treaties and other international agreements; procedures including regional participation, is proposed.


Author(s):  
Sabdenova Bagila ◽  
Abdullah Kok ◽  
Aziya Zhumabaeva ◽  
Zharkynbike Suleimenova ◽  
Asima Riskulbekova ◽  
...  

Recognition of Kazakh language as the state language of the Republic of Kazakhstan by the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, adoption of ‘State programme of functioning and development of languages for 2011–2020’, the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan ‘On languages of the Republic of Kazakhstan’, ‘The State programme on education and science development for 2016–2020’ allowed our native language to develop and prosper. Nowadays, special attention is paid to the problem of teaching the Kazakh language. In today's organised pedagogical environment, it is not fully examined the need for the development of communication skills of elementary school students and scientifically-based and practical communication to solve this problem via audio and graphic tools. Therefore, this article focuses on the need to teach elementary school students to work with audio and graphic materials and technology issues on the use of practical materials. Provided that the theoretical foundations for the development of communication skills of elementary school students through audio-visual aids hold true, the structural-substantial model will allow the development of each student’s individual abilities and creativity. Taking into account the foregoing, we have set up a positive outline of the effectiveness of the work with audio equipment through the organisation of practical work, practice-assemblage, research, diagnostics, practical work in elementary school teachers through specially organised thematic seminars


Author(s):  
Georgiy A. Bolshanin ◽  
Elena G. Skulina

Problem Statement (Relevance): This paper describes one of the possible variants of the quantitative relationship between the coefficients of the B-form equations and the equations of other forms that evaluate the state of a passive six-terminal network with two input and four output terminals. Such six-terminal network can replace devices, elements or parts of electrical circuits or electric power systems. The coefficients of the B-form equations, as well as the coefficients of the A-form equations, can be determined experimentally. In principle, the coefficients of equations of other forms can also be determined experimentally. However, such experiments are usually difficult to set up and conduct. Thus, it seems to be more reasonable to determine these coefficients from the established quantitative relationship with the previously determined coefficients of the B-form. Objectives: To establish a quantitative relationship between the coefficients of the B-form equations describing the state of the six-terminal network with two input and four output terminals and the coefficients of the G-, H-, Y- and Z-form equations describing the state of the same six-terminal network. Methods Applied: Mathematical modelling and some elements of the theory of multi-terminal networks. Originality: The originality of this research lies in the proposed method of establishing a quantitative relationship between the coefficients of the A-form equations and the equations of other forms describing the state of the passive six-terminal network with two input and four output terminals. Findings: This paper examines one of the possible variants of the quantitative relationship between the coefficients of the B-form equations and the coefficients of the G-, H-, Y- and Z-form equations describing the state of the passive six-terminal network with two input and four output terminals. Some mathematical statements are presented which can help establish such relationship. Practical Relevance: If one knows the values of the B-form equation coefficients, the proposed quantitative relationship between the coefficients of various forms of equations will help build equations of other forms and establish various types of dependencies between the input and output characteristics of an electric power unit, which can be replaced with a six-terminal network with two input and four output terminals. This technique can be used to establish a quantitative relationship between the coefficients of the G-, H-, Y- or Z-form equations and the coefficients of equations of other forms describing the state of different modifications of passive six-terminal networks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-55
Author(s):  
Saiyid Radzuwan Syed Sopi

The 14th general election (GE 14) reveals that Pakatan Harapan (PH) had become a ruling party (2018-2020), but they failed to get any parliamentary or state assembly seats in Kelantan. The failure of PH to expand their influence in Kelantan is due to several traditional factors that are difficult for PH to break it out. This study is a qualitative study and reference materials that are physical and online are used as reference sources. In addition, information regarding political scenario in Kelantan also obtained through interviews with some respondents live in Kelantan. Therefore, this research found that the desire of PH to expand their influence in Kelantan was blurred. This is because PAS wisely set up a long-term political strategy by strengthening the education system under YIK, producing many hardcore supporters or fanatic followers, controlling the ‘surau’ and the mosques according to their needs and control of the state administration. Furthermore, PH needs to make concrete reformations to the party’s management such as producing talented young leaders and fostering a spirit of cooperation among members of the PH coalition if they are still interested in power in Kelantan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Hongyan Pei

<p>In order to promote mass entrepreneurship and innovation, the General Office of the State Council issued the implementation opinions on deepening innovation and entrepreneurship education reform in institutions of higher learning. According to the guidelines for innovation and entrepreneurship proposed by the State Council, colleges and universities should combine the entrepreneurial needs of students and the innovative needs of the society, set up educational goals around the orientation of running a school, and carry out educational reform activities with innovation and entrepreneurship as the theme. Based on the overall social background of "Interne+" and distinct characteristics of the times, this paper analyzes the problems existing in innovation and entrepreneurship education in colleges and universities, and explores effective strategies for implementing innovation and entrepreneurship education in colleges and universities.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikitin ◽  
Irina Bolgova ◽  
Yulia Nikitina

This article analyses the peace-making activities of Soviet/Russian nongovernmental public organisations (NGOs) with reference to the Federation for Peace and Conciliation, the successor of the Soviet Peace Committee. NGOs were formed at the initiative of the state and party organs of the Soviet system but were transformed into independent NGOs after the collapse of the USSR with their own active strategy of assistance in conflict resolution. This study is based upon unique archive materials and the personal experience of one of the authors, who used to work for such organisations. The study focuses on the ethnopolitical conflicts which took place between the collapse of the USSR and the mid‑1990s. There is a widespread opinion in academic literature that so-called non-governmental organisations set up by the government do not have their own identity, especially during social crises, and passively follow the government’s political line. However, the study of their activities demonstrates that during the first years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, these organisations initiated a significant number of practical and political projects with the participation of high-ranked representatives of the governments, parliaments, and political parties of both post-Soviet and foreign states and international organisations, including the UN, OSCE, NATO, CIS, etc. This, in turn, played a role as a substantial supplement to classical interstate diplomacy and practically promoted the settlement of certain ethnopolitical conflicts. The archive materials analysed prove that in the early post-Soviet period, a certain inversion in the direction of political and ideological impulses took place, and a number of non-governmental organisations that used to transmit the interests of the Communist Party and state organs to the international environment were able to create new international projects and consultations in the form of “track one-and-a-half” diplomacy, i. e. the informal interaction of officials in the capacity of unofficial experts. And in such cases, it was NGOs which shaped the agenda and transmitted public interests to the state structures of Russia and the CIS states, mediating between fighting sides and amongst representatives of various states, practically assisting the settlement of ethnopolitical conflicts.


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