Resisting Reagan: The U.S. Central American Peace Movement.

Social Forces ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 1218
Author(s):  
David A. Smilde ◽  
Christian Smith
2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Nepstad

As social problems become increasingly global, activists are working across state boundaries and forming transnational social movements. However, there is little information that illuminates how groups are able to overcome ethnic, class, ideological and cultural differences that could be obstacles to collaboration. Through an analysis of the story of Salvadoran martyr Archbishop Romero, I demonstrate how this narrative fostered solidarity between the progressive Central American church and U.S. Christians. By symbolically mirroring the social ontology of Christianity and melodramatically presenting the Salvadoran conflict with moral clarity, Romero's life story facilitated the construction of a transnational collective identity and provided a model of action. The moral credibility of the narrators, and the context in which Romero's story was told, influenced many Christians' decision to prioritize this religious identity over their national allegiance.


2001 ◽  
Vol 106 (4) ◽  
pp. 1409
Author(s):  
Martin Halpern ◽  
Robbie Lieberman
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Shyamalendu Sarkar

The Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) with the United States was passed on July 28, 2005. The main goal of DR-CAFTA is to create a free trade zone for economic development. The Agreement is highly controversial with many contentious issues including concern about the environment, which is the focus of this study. The concern is that the environmental objectives are expected to be subservient to trade and other economic incentives which will lead to further deterioration of the environment in countries where the environmental standards are already low. The effects on the U.S. environment are expected to be minimal. However, it is feared that the U.S. manufacturing facilities may relocate to Central American countries to take advantage of low wages and low environmental requirements, which may result in loss of jobs and capital investment in the U.S. However, overall DR-CAFTA is expected to be beneficial in many ways, including an increase in trade and economic growth in all participating countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92
Author(s):  
Ester N. Trujillo

Abstract As the children of wartime immigrants from El Salvador become adults, they must grapple with the role violence played—and continues to play—in Salvadoran society. Second-generation Salvadorans interpret their relatives’ stories of war, death, and violence through a lens that prioritizes lessons gained over traumatization. Thus, immigrant parents’ casual discussions about their experiences during the Salvadoran Civil War (1979–1992) become what this article calls necronarratives: stories pieced together from memories based on foiling death and violence generated through state necropolitics. Youth interpret inherited memories through a lens of survival, resilience, and healing. Necropolitics refers to the ability of the state to legislate and draw policies that determine who lives and who dies. Although scholars have noted that high levels of war-related trauma among Salvadoran immigrants cause them to remain silent about those experiences, my research reveals that children of these immigrants collect and construct narratives using the memory fragments shared during casual conversations with their relatives. Drawing from 20 semi-structured interviews with U.S. Salvadorans, this paper shows that U.S. Salvadorans construct narratives out of their family’s war memories in order to locate affirming qualities of the Salvadoran experience such as surviving a war, achieving migration, and building a life in a new country. Contrary to past indications that Central American migrants live in silence about their national origins in order to avoid discrimination in the U.S. and to avoid traumatizing their children, this study on second-generation Salvadoran adults describes the ethnic roots information families do share through war stories. The Salvadoran case shows youth actively engage with necronarratives as they come of age to adulthood to yield lessons about how their national origins and ethnic heritages shape their senses of belonging and exclusion within U.S. society.


Author(s):  
James Hudnut-Beumler

Of all European faiths transplanted to what became the U.S. southern states, Roman Catholicism came first. Southern Catholicism was mostly confined to the Atlantic and Gulf coasts and the Ohio and Mississippi river valleys, leading a Glenmary priest to dub the interior “No Priest Land.” This chapter depicts the Catholic filling of the southern interior in four waves: first, select immigrant towns were established like Cullman, Alabama in the 19th century, home to a Benedictine monastery; a second wave came in the early and mid-20th century with the Glenmary Home Missioners and a colorful nun named Mother Angelica, determined in different ways to evangelize and serve the South; the third wave came from rustbelt transplant Catholics moving south for jobs, especially with the auto industry in the 1980s forward; finally, the fourth and largest wave is composed of Hispanic Catholics helping making the South’s states the fastest growing in Hispanic population 2000-2010. This chapter features visits to two fast growing Hispanic congregations, one largely Mexican in ethnicity, the other pan-Central American. The principal emerging religious feature for Catholicism in the South that it has quickly become the most immigrant-embracing form of Christianity in the region.


Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley

This chapter examines the murders of the churchwomen and how Reagan officials' critiques, which revealed that intra-Catholic conflict had become an integral part of United States–Central America policy with Reagan's ascension to the White House. It looks at remarks that bolster the Salvadoran junta's reputation or diminish the murders' impact on the protest movement against U.S. policy. It also discusses that the murdered churchwomen symbolized the church's championing of the poor and a U.S. foreign policy that was morally corrupt and politically unsound for training and arming their killers. The chapter cites that two murdered Maryknollers were members of a Catholic order and represented a dangerous trajectory for U.S. foreign policy and the church. It elaborates how the U.S. government aligned with conservative U.S. and Central American Catholics and amplified their perspective.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Mark Edberg ◽  
Jorge Benavides-Rawson ◽  
Ivonne Rivera ◽  
Hina Shaikh ◽  
Rebeca Monge ◽  
...  

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