Explaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Epitaphs

1990 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Meyer

It is now notorious that the production of inscriptions in the Roman Empire was not constant over time, but rose over the first and second centuries A.D. and fell in the third. Ramsay MacMullen pointed this out more than five years ago, with conclusions more cautionary than explanatory: ‘history is not being written in the right way’, he said, for historians have deduced Rome's decline from evidence that–since it appears only epigraphically–has merely disappeared for its own reasons, or have sought general explanations of decline in theories political, economic, or even demographic in nature, none of which can, in turn, explain the disappearance of epigraphy itself. Why this epigraphic habit rose and fell MacMullen left open to question, although he did postulate control by a ‘sense of audience’. The purpose of this paper is to propose that this ‘sense of audience’ was not generalized or generic, but depended on a belief in the value of romanization, of which (as noted but not explained by MacMullen's article) the epigraphic habit is also a rough indicator. Epitaphs constitute the bulk of all provincial inscriptions and in form and number are (generally speaking) the consequence of a provincial imitation of characteristically Roman practices, an imitation that depended on the belief that Roman legal status and style were important, and that may indeed have ultimately depended, at least in North Africa, on the acquisition or prior possession of that status. Such status-based motivations for erecting an epitaph help to explain not only the chronological distribution of epitaphs but also the differences in the type and distribution of epitaphs in the western and eastern halves of the empire. They will be used here moreover to suggest an explanation for the epigraphic habit as a whole.

Molecules ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (9) ◽  
pp. 2573
Author(s):  
Yi-Hsiu Chung ◽  
Cheng-Kun Tsai ◽  
Ching-Fang Yu ◽  
Wan-Ling Wang ◽  
Chung-Lin Yang ◽  
...  

Purpose: By taking advantage of 18F-FDG PET imaging and tissue nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) metabolomics, we examined the dynamic metabolic alterations induced by liver irradiation in a mouse model for hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). Methods: After orthotopic implantation with the mouse liver cancer BNL cells in the right hepatic lobe, animals were divided into two experimental groups. The first received irradiation (RT) at 15 Gy, while the second (no-RT) did not. Intergroup comparisons over time were performed, in terms of 18F-FDG PET findings, NMR metabolomics results, and the expression of genes involved in inflammation and glucose metabolism. Results: As of day one post-irradiation, mice in the RT group showed an increased 18F-FDG uptake in the right liver parenchyma compared with the no-RT group. However, the difference reached statistical significance only on the third post-irradiation day. NMR metabolomics revealed that glucose concentrations peaked on day one post-irradiation both, in the right and left lobes—the latter reflecting a bystander effect. Increased pyruvate and glutamate levels were also evident in the right liver on the third post-irradiation day. The expression levels of the glucose-6-phosphatase (G6PC) and fructose-1, 6-bisphosphatase 1 (FBP1) genes were down-regulated on the first and third post-irradiation days, respectively. Therefore, liver irradiation was associated with a metabolic shift from an impaired gluconeogenesis to an enhanced glycolysis from the first to the third post-irradiation day. Conclusion: Radiation-induced metabolic alterations in the liver parenchyma occur as early as the first post-irradiation day and show dynamic changes over time.


2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark R.C. Grundeken

Compromising between two powers: Q and the Roman Empire. The study underlying this article investigated the attitude of Sayings Source Q towards the Roman authorities and their representatives. It primarily aimed at contributing to scholarly discussions on the relationships between early Christianity and the Roman Empire, but it also attempted to put the research in a broader context of present-day discussions on the issue of ‘church and state’. The first part of the study dealt with Q’s views on the government. The second part studied Q’s views on the emperor cult. The third and final part aimed at putting Q’s views on the authorities and on the veneration of the emperor in the right context. It concluded that Q compromises between idealism and realism. Its attitude towards the government is quite hostile. It portrays worldly power as demonic (Q 4:5–6; 11:18, 20), it regards God as the only true Lord of heaven and earth (Q 10:21) and rejects the legitimacy of the imperial cult (Q 4:5–8). It fully focuses on the completion of the kingdom of God (Q 6:20; 7:28; 10:9; 11:2b). Yet, as a relatively small community (Q 10:2), the Q people seem to have realised that there was no point in standing up against the Roman authorities and their representatives. Q’s propagated views on Roman power are not characterised by active resistance, but by passive dissidence (Q 6:22–23, 27–32; 12:4–5). Within the context of the Roman Empire, it was better to be a realist than a revolutionist.


Author(s):  
Andrew Wilson

This chapter summarizes the archaeological evidence currently known for Roman water-mills, tracing the development and spread of water-powered grain milling over time across the Roman Empire. Problems of quantification and evidence bias, both documentary and archaeological, are addressed. In particular, it is argued that large discoidal millstones, formerly thought to derive either from animal-powered or water-powered mills, must come from water-mills, and that the idea of Roman animal-driven mills with discoidal millstones is a myth. This dramatically increases the amount of evidence available for water-powered grain milling, although very unevenly spread across the empire, and heavily dependent on the intensity of research in particular regions—good for Britain, parts of France, and Switzerland; poor everywhere else. The chapter also summarizes the state of knowledge on other applications of water-power—for ore-crushing machines at hard-rock gold and silver mines (by the first century AD), trip-hammers, tanning and fulling mills, and marble sawing (by the third century AD). The picture is fast-changing and the body of evidence continues to grow with new archaeological discoveries. The chapter ends with some thoughts about the place of water-power in the overall economy of the Roman world, and on the transmission of water-powered technologies between the Roman and medieval periods.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 430-450
Author(s):  
Erhard Denninger

For a brief period - during the first half of the 1970s - it appeared as though the fundamental debate concerning the function of basic rights (to a certain extent an individual-oriented reprise of the Rechtsstaat-social state controversy of the 1950s and 1960s was coming down to the alternatives “Basic Rights: (only) Defensive Rights” or “Basic Rights: (also) Rights to Participation and Claims to Performance” Peter Häberle's demand (made at the 1971 Constitutional Law Teachers' Conference) that the base-line substantive legal status of basic rights be supplemented by a “status activus processualis” (in the sense of a “government-performative due process”), and the Federal Constitutional Court's (FCC's) first Numerus-Clausus decision (of 18 July 1972) and its Term Abortion decision (of 25 February 1975), with its recognition of the state's “comprehensive” duty to protect (and promote!) unborn life, all mark advanced positions in theory and judicial decision-making. At the same time, new life was given to the discussion concerning “basic social rights” (such as the “right to work”, “to shelter”, “to education”, “to social security”, etc.), and new and expanded forms of social protection, in short: concerning the concretization of the social state principle. Yet the welfare-state, “social-liberal” reform impulse soon ran up against political-economic limits: the “feasibility proviso” allowed the merely “ideal standard” character of subjective performance rights to become all too quickly apparent.


2001 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Winiecki

In this article the author tries consider a question important for economic development: what happens when formal rules and informal rules of economic behaviour are in conflict. Under such circumstances even the best, wealth creation-enhancing rules must bring about different outcomes if introduced in the different political, economic, and socio-cultural environments. These considerations begin with the overview of possible balances and imbalances in the relationships between formal and informal rules and potential conflicts that may arise in the latter cases. The next step is the selection of institutional characteristics that facilitate the explanation and prediction of outcomes of formal rules&informal rules interactions. The third, and final, step considered in the article concerns the adjustment of rules (formal, informal, or both) over time and possible patterns of adjustment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Iwan Permadi

<em>This paper examines how the legal status of leasing the public land in deal with the State's Right of Controlling is and how the further regulating them in the implementation of regional autonomy is. The used method is a normative legal research with secondary data sources through primary legal materials, secondary and tertiary. The results show that leasing the land that the object is a public land constitutes an action against the law, because the state is in fact not the owner of the land. The state only has the right to control the public land and the only the owner has the right to lease the land. Therefore, there is a smuggling law in case of leasing the public land through enacting the regional regulations that contain the permit to use the public land, that the third parties can use public land but the third party must pay a sum of money.</em>


1925 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 716-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
Percy Thomas Fenn

The text of the jurist Marcianus, preserved in the Digest of Justinian, is the first formal pronouncement in recorded legal theory on the legal status of the sea and on the right of men to use the sea and its products. It is stated that the sea and its coasts are common to all men. Since Marcianus lived in the early years of the second century of the Christian era, it follows that this doctrine was known in a written form at least as early as the beginning of the second century. Since, further, Marcianus belonged to that class of jurists the official pronouncements of which were recognized as being statements of the law, it follows that the doctrine of the common right of all men to a free use of the sea was a law of the Roman Empire at the beginning of the second century, although this law was not put in a codified form until the sixth century.


Traditio ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 119-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giles Constable

Among the many disputed episcopal elections of the twelfth century, there are few that present both as many problems and as many points of interest as that at Langres in 1138. The diocese of Langres had since the time of the Carolingian emperors been among the most important in France. As early as 872 Charles the Bald, at the request of bishop Isaac, granted jointly to the cathedral of St. Mamas at Langres and to St. Stephen at Dijon the right, previously held by the local count, to coin money. In 967, the lay count was officially replaced by the bishop, although most of his rights were subinfeudated to a vidame. ‘Par Langres,’ wrote Ferdinand Lot, ‘suzeraine du Langogne, du Dijonnais et de ses annexes (Atuyer, Oscheret, Mémontois), du Boulenois, du Bassigny, du Lassois, du Tonnerrois, etc., c'est-à-dire de la moitié de la Bourgogne française, le roi pouvait exercer, à l'occasion, une grande influence en cette région.’ In 1179, the bishop recovered direct control over his rights as count and became tenant-in-chief of the crown for all his lands and powers, whereas among his own vassals he numbered the duke of Burgundy and the count of Champagne. Later, between 1179 and 1356, he rose to the rank of duke and was recognized as the third ecclesiastical peer of the realm, taking precedence over his own metropolitan, the archbishop of Lyons, at the coronation of the king. Already in the first half of the twelfth century, the diocese of Langres compared in power and size to the great ecclesiastical principalities of the Holy Roman Empire. It included practically all the present bishoprics of Langres and Dijon and extended almost to the towns of Troyes and Auxerre to the north and west and beyond Dijon to the south. Within its boundaries lay not only the great old Benedictine abbeys of Bèze and of St. Bénigne and St. Stephen at Dijon, but also Molesme, the mother-house of Cîteaux, and the newly-founded Cistercian monasteries of Clairvaux and Morimund.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi-Hsiu Chung ◽  
Cheng-Kun Tsai ◽  
Ching-Fang Yu ◽  
Wan-Ling Wang ◽  
Chung-Lin Yang ◽  
...  

Abstract Purpose: By taking advantage of 18F-FDG PET imaging and tissue nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) metabolomics, we examined the dynamic metabolic alterations induced by liver irradiation in a mouse model for hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). Methods: After orthotopic implantation with the mouse liver cancer BNL cells in the right hepatic lobe, animals were divided into two experimental groups. The first received irradiation (RT) at 15 Gy whereas the second (no-RT) did not. Intergroup comparisons over time were performed in terms of 18F-FDG PET findings, NMR metabolomics results, and expression of genes involved in inflammation and glucose metabolism. Results: As of day 1 post-irradiation, mice in the RT group showed an increased 18F-FDG uptake in the right liver parenchyma compared with the no-RT group. However, the difference reached statistical significance only on the third post-irradiation day. NMR metabolomics revealed that glucose concentrations peaked on day 1 post-irradiation both in the right and left lobes – the latter reflecting a bystander effect. Increased pyruvate and glutamate levels were also evident in the right liver on the third post-irradiation day. The expression levels of the glucose-6-phosphatase (G6PC) and fructose-1, 6-bisphosphatase 1 (FBP1) genes were down-regulated on the first and third post-irradiation days, respectively. Thus, liver irradiation was associated with a metabolic shift from an impaired gluconeogenesis to an enhanced glycolysis from the first to the third post-irradiation day. Conclusion: Radiation-induced metabolic alterations in the liver parenchyma occur as early as the first post-irradiation day and show dynamic changes over time.


Author(s):  
Виктор Мельник

Смена военно-политической принадлежности, часто практиковавшаяся в войне 541-552 гг., не выходила за рамки общепринятого политического процесса (учитывая провинциальный статус Италии в Византии, речь шла о процессе внутриполитическом). Знатью и солдатами руководила, прежде всего, жажда сохранить жизнь и занимаемое экономическое положение. Они не приносили присягу заново и не считались новобранцами. Они просто меняли политическую ориентацию, но не юридическую принадлежность. Эта тонкая грань, анализируемая в данной статье, хорошо видна в контексте второй итальянской военной кампании 541-552 гг., которую мы характеризуем как «борьбу Восточной Римской империи за право владения провинцией Италия». В любом случае, война 541-552 гг., по своему правовому положению, была гражданской войной внутри Римской империи, которая развивалась по типичной формуле «преступления и наказания». Сначала был факт неповиновения императорской власти, а затем последовало наказание и применение силы. Нарушение закона повлекло за собой санкцию государственного аппарата. Статья опровергает суверенный статус Остготской Италии в рассматриваемый период. Ключевые слова: Восточная Римская империя (Византия), личная собственность императора, византийская Италия, Юстиниан Великий, король Тотила, полководец Нарсес, правовой статус гражданской войны. THE STRUGGLE OF BYZANTIUM FOR THE RIGHT TO OWN ITALY: HISTORICAL AND LEGAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WAR IN 541-552 AD The change of military-political affiliation often practiced in the war of 541-552 AD, did not go beyond the generally accepted political process (given the provincial status of Italy in Byzantium, it was a domestic political process). The noblemen and soldiers were led, first of all, by a thirst to preserve life and economic position. They did not take the oath again and were not considered recruits. They simply changed their political orientation, but not their legal affiliation. This fine line, analyzed in this article, is visible in the context of the second Italian military campaign of 541-552 AD, which we characterize as the “struggle of the Eastern Roman Empire for the right to own the province of Italy”. In any case, the war of 541-552 AD, according to its legal status, was a civil war within the Roman Empire, which developed according to the typical formula of “crime and punishment”. At first, there was a fact of disobedience to imperial power, and then the punishment and the use of force followed. Violation of the law entailed the sanction of the state apparatus. The article refutes the sovereign status of Ostrogoth Italy in the period under review. Keywords: Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium), Personal Property of the Emperor, Byzantine Italy, Justinian the Great, King Totila (Badulla), Commander Narses.


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