Puerto Ricans on the United States Mainland: A Bibliography of Reports, Texts, Critical Studies and Related Materials.

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 473
Author(s):  
Clarence Senior ◽  
F. Cordasco ◽  
E. Buccioni ◽  
D. Castellanos
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Critical Studies

Overeducation and the Earnings of Black, Hispanic, and White Male Workers

1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard R. Verdugo ◽  
Naomi Turner Verdugo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
White Male ◽  
The United States ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Male Workers ◽  
White Minority

This study addresses two issues: (1) the impact of overeducation on the earnings of male workers in the United States, and (2) white-minority earnings differences among males. Given that educational attainment levels are increasing among workers, there is some suspicion that earnings returns to education are not as great as might be expected. This topic is examined by including an overeducation variable in an earnings function. Regarding the second issue addressed in this article, little is actually known about white-minority differences because the bulk of such research compares whites and blacks. By including selected Hispanic groups in this analysis (Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Other Hispanics) we are able to assess white-minority earnings differences to a greater degree. Using data from a 5% sample of the 1980 census to estimate an earnings function, we find that overeducated workers earn less than either undereducated or adequately educated workers. Second, we find that there are substantial earnings differences between whites and minorities, and, also, between the five minority groups examined.

Assimilation of the Puerto Ricans on the Mainland

1968 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
John J. Macisco
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Second Generation ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
First Marriage ◽  
Labor Force Status ◽  
Age At First Marriage ◽  
First And Second Generation

Social scientists have repeatedly tried to specify the process whereby assimilation takes place. This article points out the value of socio-demographic analysis in the study of assimilation, by describing the characteristics of Puerto Ricans on the United States mainland. In order to assess the direction of change between the first and second generation Puerto Ricans, data for the total United States population are also presented. Most of the data are drawn from the 1960 Census. First generation Puerto Ricans are compared with the second generation along the following dimensions: age, education, labor force status, income, occupation, age at first marriage, percent outgroup marriage and fertility. The Author concludes that second generation Puerto Ricans are moving in the direction of total United States averages.

Prenatal care among Puerto Ricans on the United States mainland

2000 ◽  
Vol 51 (12) ◽  
pp. 1723-1739 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.S Oropesa ◽  
N.S Landale ◽  
M Inkley ◽  
B.K Gorman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Prenatal Care ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
The United States

Mexican Immigrant Understandings of Empire, Race, and Gender

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Flores
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
Gender Norms ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Immigrant ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Mexican Culture ◽  
And Gender

This chapter compares liberal and traditionalist understandings of empire, race, and gender to explain why liberals often declined U.S. citizenship and why traditionalists became more amenable to U.S. naturalization. Mexican liberals defined themselves as anti-imperialist mestizos and, in Chicago, they joined with Puerto Ricans and Nicaraguans to protest U.S. imperialism. Most liberals rebuffed U.S. naturalization, in part, because they were put off by U.S. imperialism, racism, and gender norms. By contrast, traditionalists celebrated the United States for granting them religious freedom, and challenged the liberals by exalting all that was Catholic and thus Spanish and white in Mexican culture. In so doing, traditionalists became more open to a U.S. understanding of whiteness and citizenship, and many traditionalists decided they could create new lives for themselves in the United States.

Puerto Ricans in the United States

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorrin Thomas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Community Organizing ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Basic Material ◽  
Community Control ◽  
The Political

Puerto Rican migrants have resided in the United States since before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, when the United States took possession of the island of Puerto Rico as part of the Treaty of Paris. After the war, groups of Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States as contract laborers, first to sugarcane plantations in Hawaii, and then to other destinations on the mainland. After the Jones Act of 1917 extended U.S. citizenship to islanders, Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States in larger numbers, establishing their largest base in New York City. Over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, a vibrant and heterogeneous colonia developed there, and Puerto Ricans participated actively both in local politics and in the increasingly contentious politics of their homeland, whose status was indeterminate until it became a commonwealth in 1952. The Puerto Rican community in New York changed dramatically after World War II, accommodating up to fifty thousand new migrants per year during the peak of the “great migration” from the island. Newcomers faced intense discrimination and marginalization in this era, defined by both a Cold War ethos and liberal social scientists’ interest in the “Puerto Rican problem.” Puerto Rican migrant communities in the 1950s and 1960s—now rapidly expanding into the Midwest, especially Chicago, and into New Jersey, Connecticut, and Philadelphia—struggled with inadequate housing and discrimination in the job market. In local schools, Puerto Rican children often faced a lack of accommodation of their need for English language instruction. Most catastrophic for Puerto Rican communities, on the East Coast particularly, was the deindustrialization of the labor market over the course of the 1960s. By the late 1960s, in response to these conditions and spurred by the civil rights, Black Power, and other social movements, young Puerto Ricans began organizing and protesting in large numbers. Their activism combined a radical approach to community organizing with Puerto Rican nationalism and international anti-imperialism. The youth were not the only activists in this era. Parents in New York had initiated, together with their African American neighbors, a “community control” movement that spanned the late 1960s and early 1970s; and many other adult activists pushed the politics of the urban social service sector—the primary institutions in many impoverished Puerto Rican communities—further to the left. By the mid-1970s, urban fiscal crises and the rising conservative backlash in national politics dealt another blow to many Puerto Rican communities in the United States. The Puerto Rican population as a whole was now widely considered part of a national “underclass,” and much of the political energy of Puerto Rican leaders focused on addressing the paucity of both basic material stability and social equality in their communities. Since the 1980s, however, Puerto Ricans have achieved some economic gains, and a growing college-educated middle class has managed to gain more control over the cultural representations of their communities. More recently, the political salience of Puerto Ricans as a group has begun to shift. For the better part of the 20th century, Puerto Ricans in the United States were considered numerically insignificant or politically impotent (or both); but in the last two presidential elections (2008 and 2012), their growing populations in the South, especially in Florida, have drawn attention to their demographic significance and their political sensibilities.

Dead Serious? On the Presence (and the Absence) of Comic Elements in Cyprian Norwid’s Works

Tekstualia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (59) ◽  
pp. 41-72
Author(s):  
Ewangelina Skalińska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Visual Art ◽  
The United States ◽  
Important Change ◽  
Critical Studies ◽  
Diffi Cult ◽  
Literary Writing ◽  
Literary Output

Critical studies of Cyprian Norwid’s writing, just like the scholarship on the literature of Polish Romanticism, focus mostly on the religious, philosophical, ironic and aesthetic aspects of his works. The question of humour in Norwid’s literary output still has not been extensively examined. The paper analyzes Norwid’s comical works. In his early masterpieces, published between 1842 and 1852, comic elements were almost absent, but after his trip to the United States an important change can be noticed in his way of writing, and humour becomes a key elelement of his literary writing and visual art. It can be argued that his diffi cult American experiences (alienation, struggle with the new language, desperate attempts to fi nd work) changed Norwid’s perception of himself as an artist and taught him to look at his art from a distance.

Culture and clinical practice: Recommendations for working with Puerto Ricans and other Latinas(os) in the United States.

2006 ◽  
Vol 37 (6) ◽  
pp. 694-701 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel C. Andrés-Hyman ◽  
Jose Ortiz ◽  
Luis M. Añez ◽  
Manuel Paris ◽  
Larry Davidson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Clinical Practice ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Practice Recommendations
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