Voting and Vetoing

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-823 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eyal Winter
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Bargaining Game ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
Bargaining Theory ◽  
Equilibrium Outcome ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Quantitative Results ◽  
Noncooperative Bargaining

The consequences of veto power in committees is analyzed using the approach of noncooperative bargaining theory. It is first shown that in equilibrium nonveto players do not share in the benefits gained by the decision making of the committee, that is, in every equilibrium outcome of the bargaining game, nonveto players earn zero. Some measures for reducing the excessive power of veto members in committees are analyzed. Specifically, I study the effects of imposing a deadline on negotiations and of expanding the committee by increasing the number of nonveto players. Quantitative results are given for the case of the UN Security Council.

Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992–1996

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adekeye Adebajo
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Tight Control ◽  
Double Standards ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The Us ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

Egyptian scholar-diplomat Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s relationship with the UN Security Council was a difficult one, resulting eventually in him earning the unenviable record of being the only Secretary-General to have been denied a second term in office. Boutros-Ghali bluntly condemned the double standards of the powerful Western members of the Council—the Permanent Three (P3) of the US, Britain, and France—in selectively authorizing UN interventions in “rich men’s wars” in Europe while ignoring Africa’s “orphan conflicts.” The Council’s powerful members ignored many of his ambitious ideas, preferring instead to retain tight control of decision-making on UN peacekeeping missions. Boutros-Ghali worked with the Security Council to establish peacekeeping missions in Bosnia, Cambodia, Haiti, Rwanda, and Somalia.

scholarly journals THE FAILURE OF UNITED NATIONS SYSTEM UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW: ITS CONTRIBUTION TO CALAMITY AND RUIN OF THE ROHINGYA CASE

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-279
Author(s):  
Renata Christha Auli
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
Political Relationship ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
United Nations System ◽  
Nations System ◽  
United Nation

Abstract The tensions between Muslim and Buddhist communities in Rakhine, Myanmar have escalated and became the international spotlight. Massacre in the Rohingya is a serious violation of human rights. In accordance with the functions of the United Nation, this international organization is expected to prevent and eliminate crimes against humanity that occur in the Rohingya. One of the main organs in charge of maintaining international peace and security is the UN Security Council. However, the fact that the United Nations failed to carry out its duties was because Russia has veto power and has blocked the statement which was expressed by UN Security council concerning this situation to punish Myanmar in resolving the Rohingya case, solely due to the political relationship between Russia and Myanmar. The failure of the United Nations is the world's debt to the Rohingya tribe, accordingly to redeem the debt it is needed reform of the UN Security Council.  Keywords: Humanitarian Crimes, Rohingya, Security Council, United Nations, Veto   Abstrak Perseteruan yang terjadi antara umat Muslim dan Buddha di Rakhine, Myanmar, kembali terjadi dan menjadi sorotan dunia internasional. Pembantaian di Rohingya merupakan pelanggaran berat terhadap hak asasi manusia. Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa (PBB) merupakan organisasi internasional yang diharapkan dapat mencegah dan menghapus kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan yang terjadi di Rohingya, sesuai dengan fungsi dari Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Salah satu organ utama yang bertugas untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional adalah Dewan Keamanan PBB. Namun fakta yang terjadi PBB gagal dalam menjalankan tugasnya karena Rusia terus melakukan veto terhadap Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB untuk menghukum Myanmar dalam penyelesaian kasus Rohingya, karena semata- mata hubungan politik antara Rusia dengan Myanmar. Kegagalan PBB merupakan utang dunia terhadap suku Rohingya, sehingga untuk dapat menebus utang tersebut diperlukan reformasi Dewan Keamanan PBB. Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan, Kejahatan Kemanusiaan, Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa, Rohingya, Veto

Beyond Chapter VIII: Limits and Opportunities for Regional Representation at the UN security Council

2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Drieskens
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Eu

AbstractZooming in on the serving European Union (EU) Member States and exploring the legal parameters defining regional actorness both directly and indirectly, this article analyzes the EU's representation at the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Looking at the theory and practice behind Articles 52, 23 and 103 of the UN Charter, we shed fresh light on the only provision in the European Treaties that explicitly referred to the UN Security Council, i.e. the former Article 19 of the EU Treaty. We define that provision as a regional interpretation of Article 103 of the UN Charter and discuss its implementation in day-to-day decision-making, especially as for economic and financial sanctions measures. Hereby, we focus on the negotiations leading to UN Security Council Resolution 1822(2008).

Elected member influence in the United Nations Security Council

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Farrall ◽  
Marie-Eve Loiselle ◽  
Christopher Michaelsen ◽  
Jochen Prantl ◽  
Jeni Whalan
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Council Decision ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Common Understanding

AbstractThis article reassesses how members of the UN Security Council exercise influence over the Council’s decision-making process, with particular focus on the ten elected members (the E10). A common understanding of Security Council dynamics accords predominance to the five permanent members (the P5), suggesting bleak prospects for the Council as a forum that promotes the voices and representation of the 188 non-permanent members. The assumption is that real power rests with the P5, while the E10 are there to make up the numbers. By articulating a richer account of Council dynamics, this article contests the conventional wisdom that P5 centrality crowds out space for the E10 to influence Council decision-making. It also shows that opportunities for influencing Council decision-making go beyond stints of elected membership. It argues that the assumed centrality of the P5 on the Council thus needs to be qualified and re-evaluated.

Outsourcing the Use of Force

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Blokker
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Time Limit ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Operational Decision Making

This chapter discusses developments in operations authorized by the UN Security Council in the context of the rules governing use of force in international relations. It considers three elements surrounding criticism of the carte blanche nature of Resolution 678 authorizing the use of ‘all necessary means’ against Iraq following its invasion of Kuwait. First, the authorization has no time limit; secondly, it has an extremely broad mandate; thirdly, coalition forces were asked ‘to keep the Security Council regularly informed’. The chapter examines whether the trend towards more Security Council control of authorized operations has persisted. It analyses elements of the authorization resolutions adopted by the Council between 2000 and 2012 and their implications for potential UN responsibility. It argues that operational decision-making is outsourced to implementing states or international organizations but that there are cases when the UN may be held responsible for wrongful acts committed by the authorized operation.

A Competitive Race among Friends: The Campaign of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for a Seat on the UN Security Council

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-479
Author(s):  
Bahia Tahzib-Lie ◽  
Jan Reinder Rosing
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
One Year

Summary On 31 December 2018, the Kingdom of the Netherlands — the Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao and St Maarten — concluded its one-year membership of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), prompting many to reflect on its meaningful contribution to international peace and security during this time. The UNSC has exclusive and far-reaching powers with regard to maintaining international peace and security. For this reason, non-permanent seats on the UNSC are highly coveted. They confer prestige, influence and respectability on the seat-holders. Given the popularity of these seats, the Kingdom’s ability to influence decision-making within the UNSC became possible only after an intensive election campaign. In this practitioners’ perspective, we provide our insights and observations on the Kingdom of the Netherlands’ campaign strategy for the UNSC elections in 2016.

Changing Climate, Unchanged Mandate: bric Countries in the UN Security Council

Climate Law ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-111
Author(s):  
Tomáš Bruner
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Legal Argument ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Bric Countries ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Common But Differentiated Responsibilities ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
India And China

Abstract The UN Security Council has turned its attention to the link between climate change and security several times. Its members and other UN member states participating in discussions have remained divided over the Council’s engagement. Among vocal opponents are the bric countries: Brazil, Russia, India, and China. This article examines the argumentation of these countries during seven UN Security Council meetings between 2007 and 2020. The bric countries often concede that climate change is a threat, but they strongly resist the idea that such a threat could be addressed by the Council. I use a Critical Legal Studies approach to analyse how the bric countries bolstered their key argumentation before the Council. I find that the bric countries exploited a ‘background rule’ concerning the unsc mandate and used it to reaffirm the limits on the Council’s action. They were thus able to avoid self-contradiction and strengthen their political position through a legal argument. This complemented other objections they raised against the Council’s involvement: its insufficient expertise, inefficient tools, and the inapplicability of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities to its decision-making.

The Internationalization of Domestic Conflict: The Role of the UN Security Council

1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35
Author(s):  
Niels M. Blokker ◽  
Marieke Kleiboer
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
International Level ◽  
First Line ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Cold War

In recent years, the UN Security Council has increasingly been involved in domestic conflicts. To explain this development, two lines of arguments have been used most often, both referring to the end of the Cold War. The first line of argument holds that the collapse of the Soviet Union has led to more domestic conflicts that manifest themselves at the international level, and the UN has simply responded to that growing problem. In the second line of argument, the collapse of the Soviet Union has led to an end of the anticipation and use of Soviet veto power in the Security Council, leading to more opportunities for the UN to take a more proactive stance in domestic conflicts. How plausible are these explanations? In this article, the argument is made that both lines of explanation rest partly on faulty premises.

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