Ōkuma Shigenobu and the 1881 Political Crisis

1959 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-487
Author(s):  
Joyce Chapman Lebra

Of major significance both to the political history of the Meiji period and to the career of Ōkuma Shigenobu was the series of events known as the 1881 political crisis. This upheaval involved principally the problems of establishing a national parliament or Diet, of selling government colonization properties in Hokkaido, and of dismissing Okuma from the government. Although the crisis concerned nearly everyone in the government at some point and shook the political world, Ōkuma was more closely connected with these issues than any other single individual in the government. The crisis presents many problems which are still being debated by Japanese historians, and no concensus has emerged.

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID M. CRAIG

ABSTRACTRecent claims about the convergence in methodology between ‘high politics’ and the ‘new political history’ remain unclear. The first part of this review examines two deeply entrenched misunderstandings of key works of high politics from the 1960s and 1970s, namely that they proposed elitist arguments about the ‘closed’ nature of the political world, and reductive arguments about the irrelevance of ‘ideas’ to political behaviour. The second part traces the intellectual ancestry of Maurice Cowling's thinking about politics, and places it within an interpretative tradition of social science. The formative influences of R. G. Collingwood and Michael Oakeshott are examined, and Mark Bevir's Logic of the history of ideas is used to highlight how Cowling's approach can be aligned with ‘new political history’.


Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.


Author(s):  
Ana Carolina Galante Delmas

The daughters of King John VI of Portugal and Queen Carlota Joaquina had their lives forgotten by historiography and have remained at the threshold of ostracism. Amongst the events of the political trajectories of the six infantas, the regency of Isabel Maria (1826 to 1828) can be considered the high point of the history of such princesses. Her role in the government of Portugal began with the death of her father and was marked by the disputes between D. Pedro and D. Miguel for the post. The fourth daughter of the Portuguese sovereigns assisted King John as secretary in his political functions and, as regent, sought to secure the throne for her brother D. Pedro, and later supposedly turned to the other brother. Chosen by her own father to take over the regency of Portugal, she reluctantly handed over the command of the country to D. Miguel. Unmarried to death, the infanta showed a political posture distinct of that of her mother and sisters, aligned with her father and older brother posture, and actively participated in the political events of the 1800s. Through the analysis of her personal and public trajectories, it is sought to understand its importance in the Brazilian and the Iberian political contexts, especially the relations between Brazil and Portugal. This study also seeks to contribute to the analysis of important themes of Brazilian and Portuguese historiographies through new uses and possibilities of biographies, which has been gaining space through the approaches of New Political History.


1996 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 427-449 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractRather than trace the political history of the conflict in Rwanda I will focus on the different interpretations of the conflict by the actors involved. The external identification of the Tutsi refugees as 'Banyarwanda' corresponds with the ideology and self image of the RPF who were recruited among the refugees and their descendants who fled to Uganda during and after 1959. The RPF presents itself as a democratic organisation speaking for all Rwandans and its anti-ethnic stance is designed not only to appeal to Rwandans but also to a Western audience. The RPF's opponent, the Habyarimana government in Rwanda, presented itself as the heir of the 1959 'peasant revolution' which had replaced politics with 'development', and portrayed the RPF as feudal Tutsi revanchists coming to set the garden of Eden on fire. The government also joined Hutu extremists in presenting the Hutu-Tutsi conflict as 'natural', invoking the Hamitic-Bantu distinction.


Author(s):  
Dorota Czyżyk

The purpose of this chapter is to present the presidency of Sebastián Piñera with an emphasis on his economic policy and development plan for Chile. The chapter begins with an analysis of the 2010 presidential elections and the profile of the latest Chilean president. The chapter also presents the economic and political history of the country since Salvador Allende's rise to power in 1970 through the Pinochet regime and the government of Concertación por la Democracia. Furthermore, the milestone events of the presidency of Piñera are identified and their influence on the approval of the presidents is evaluated. The study conducted in this chapter was based on the analysis of books and scientific journals that dealt with the political and economic history of Chile. The current situation of the country was analyzed on the basis of academic articles as well as press releases and reports.


Author(s):  
Marcin Wodziński

This chapter outlines the most important episode in the political history of Hasidism in central Poland, the government investigation conducted in the years 1823 and 1824. It clarifies how the investigation showed that Hasidism could potentially become an important element in the government's more general political program for the Jewish population. Once state officials began to connect Hasidism to the broader issue of the Jewish Question, their interest in the movement greatly increased. The chapter also discusses the investigation of 1823–4 that was more significantly influenced by the Enlightenment approach to the reform of Jewish society than earlier investigations had been. A major factor was the active participation of Staszic, who constantly returned to the continuing debate on the Jewish Question.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Rembert Lutjeharms

This chapter introduces the main themes of the book—Kavikarṇapūra, theology, Sanskrit poetry, and Sanskrit poetics—and provides an overview of each chapter. It briefly highlights the importance of the practice of poetry for the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition, places Kavikarṇapūra in the (political) history of sixteenth‐century Bengal and Orissa as well as sketches his place in the early developments of the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition (a topic more fully explored in Chapter 1). The chapter also reflects more generally on the nature of both his poetry and poetics, and highlights the way Kavikarṇapūra has so far been studied in modern scholarship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Martí i Puig ◽  
Macià Serra

ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to analyze three key issues in current Nicaraguan politics and in the political debate surrounding hybrid regimes: de-democratization, political protest, and the fall of presidencies. First, it analyzes the process of de-democratization that has been taking place in Nicaragua since 2000. It shows that the 2008 elections were not competitive but characteristic of an electoral authoritarian regime. Second, it reflects on the kind of regime created in Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega’s mandate, focusing on the system’s inability to process any kind of protest and dissent. Third, it examines the extent to which the protests that broke out in April 2018 may predict the early end to Ortega’s presidency, or whether Nicaragua’s political crisis may lead to negotiations between the government and the opposition.


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