Free Workers in a Plantation Economy: Talbot County, Maryland, 1690-1759.

1991 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 621
Author(s):  
Kevin P. Kelly ◽  
Jean B. Russo
Keyword(s):  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Talbot County

Surinam Plantations in Dutch Archives

Itinerario ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-126
Author(s):  
Peter Boomgaard
Keyword(s):  
West Indies ◽  
Good News ◽  
University Of Minnesota ◽  
Indian History ◽  
East Indies ◽  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
Johns Hopkins University ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The University

The 1979 issue of Itinerario, (no. 2) opened with “A note on Suriname Plantation Archives at the University of Minnesota”, in which Richard Price of the Johns Hopkins University reported his discovery of some 2,000 manuscript pages on a number of Surinam plantations in the James Ford Bell Library at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. This, of course, is very good news. It is perhaps still better news that the Dutch archives contain vast and almost untapped (resources on a 200-odd plantations! I am, however, certainly not the first tone to make this ‘discovery’: Mrs. M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz not only mentioned it in her Ph.D. dissertation “Asian trade and European influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630”, but she even ordered part of the archives herself. It must be the unbridgeable gap between scholars interested in the East Indies /and those who study West Indian history, that her enthusiastic remarks on the availability of plantation material went unheeded. When nine years later Th. Mathews published his article “Los estuadios sobre historia economica del Caribe (1585 - 1910)”2, he mentioned the Dutch West Indies as a blank on the Caribbean map as far as economic (plantation) history is concerned. Since Mathews wrote his article the historiographic situation has improved only slightly, and it is an ironic comment on Surinam historical scholarship that tiny Curaçao's XlXth century plantation economy by now has found its historian, while the Surinam plantations are still in search of an author.

The Cultivation System (1830–1870) and its private entrepreneurs on colonial Java

2007 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulbe Bosma
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Sugar Industry ◽  
Cane Sugar ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Cultivation System ◽  
Economic Liberalism ◽  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Private Entrepreneurs ◽  
Colonial Government

AbstractEver since the interregnum from 1811 to 1816 of Lieutenant Governor General Stamford Raffles, British trading interests had been firmly established in colonial Indonesia. The implementation of the Cultivation System in 1830 on Java by the Dutch colonial government was an attempt to bring this potentially rich colony under Dutch economic control, but it is usually considered a departure from the principles of economic liberalism and a phase during which private entrepreneurs were barred from the emerging plantation economy. However, on the basis of census data and immigration records, and with reference to recent literature on the development of the nineteenth-century sugar industry, this article argues that British trading houses present on Java in the early nineteenth century continued to play an important role in the development of the production there of tropical goods, and that the emerging plantation economy attracted a modest influx of technicians and employees from various European nations. This article proposes to consider the Cultivation System and private enterprise not as mutually exclusive, but as complementary in making the cane sugar industry of Java the second largest in the world after that of Cuba.

South Atlantic Creole Archipelagos

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Sierra Leone ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Gulf Of Guinea ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Cabo Verde ◽  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Sao Tome And Principe ◽  
African Slaves

In 2020 Cabo Verde (1557 sq. miles) and São Tomé and Príncipe (621 sq. miles) had a resident population of 556,857 and 210,240 respectively. Both archipelagos were uninhabited when they were settled by Portuguese colonists and African slaves in the second half of the 15th century. The coexistence of Europeans and Africans resulted in the emergence of Creole societies. Due to their differences in geographic position and climate, they developed unequally in economic terms. Santiago, the first of the Cabo Verde Islands to be settled, became a commercial hub for the slave trade from the Upper Guinea coast. São Tomé was also engaged in the slave trade, but in the 16th century established the first tropical plantation economy based on sugar and slave labor. In the 17th century, both archipelagos were affected by economic and demographic decline. Economic recovery did not occur before the mid-19th century. The British established a coal supply station for transatlantic steam shipping in São Vicente, while, enabled by the introduction of coffee and cocoa, the Portuguese reestablished the plantation economy in São Tomé and Príncipe. After the abolition of slavery in 1875 the workforce was composed of contract workers from Angola, Cabo Verde, and Mozambique. As a result, São Tomé and Príncipe became marked by immigration for almost a century. In contrast, pushed by famines and misery, a massive emigration from Cabo Verde began in the 19th century, a feature that has marked the archipelago’s society and identity until the early 21st century. The first anticolonial groups in exile appeared in the late 1950s. An armed liberation struggle in the islands was not possible; however, a group of Cabo Verdeans participated in the armed struggle in Portuguese Guinea. Most prominent among them was Amílcar Cabral (b. 1924–d. 1973). After independence in 1975 the two countries became socialist one-party regimes. In 1990 both archipelagos introduced multiparty democracies with semipresidential regimes. Creole communities also developed in the Gulf of Guinea islands of Bioko (779 square miles) and Annobón (6.5 sq. miles), which belonged to Portugal until 1778 when they became part of Spanish Guinea which subsequently, in 1968, gained independence as Equatorial Guinea. In the 16th century the uninhabited island of Annobón was settled by the Portuguese with African slaves. As a result, the island’s early-21st-century 5,300 inhabitants speak a Portuguese-based Creole, Fá d’Ambó. Bioko (Fernando Po), was the only Gulf of Guinea Island with a native population, the Bubi, and therefore the Portuguese never colonized this island. From 1827–1843 the British navy maintained an antislaving station called Port Clarence (modern Malabo) in Fernando Po. The British recruited workers from Freetown in Sierra Leone, which was the beginning of the development of the Fernandinos, a local Creole community that speaks an English-based Creole language known as Pichi, which is closely related to Krio in Sierra Leone. Currently, there are still about thirty Fernandino families, comprising some 350 people; however, Pichi is spoken by an estimated 150,000 people, since it also became Bioko’s lingua franca spoken by the Bubi majority.

Caribbean Economic Thought: Advances, Retreat, Current Challenges

2021 ◽  
pp. 227797602110530
Author(s):  
Michael Witter
Keyword(s):  
Summer School ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
Memorial Lecture ◽  
Economic Welfare ◽  
Economic Knowledge ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Critical Tradition ◽  
The Caribbean

The reflections provided in this article were presented in the 4th Sam Moyo Memorial Lecture, delivered at the SMAIAS/ASN Summer School in January 2021. The article focuses on the critical tradition of economic knowledge and thought about the socio-economic development of the Caribbean, which began in the last decades of the colonial era. The advances made through the early Independence period were concerned with the problems of individual countries and the region as a whole. The objective was to improve the material economic welfare of the broad masses of Caribbean people while generating the requisite economic growth to sustain an improvement in the general conditions of life. From the thought of W. Arthur Lewis to the Plantation Economy theorists and subsequent critiques, a rich critical tradition emerged, only to be displaced by the onset of the debt crisis and neoliberalism. This article reviews the main elements of this critical tradition, its advances, and retreats, as well as the new challenges presented to it today.

The Rent-Seeking Legacy of the Plantation Economy in Trinidad and Tobago

2018 ◽  
pp. 47-69
Author(s):  
Richard M. Auty ◽  
Haydn I. Furlonge
Keyword(s):  
Trinidad And Tobago ◽  
Ethnically Diverse ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
Unintended Consequence ◽  
Diverse Population ◽  
Plantation Economy ◽  
Sugar Plantation ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Trade Preferences ◽  
Basic Level

The sugar plantation established rent-seeking in Trinidad and Tobago, drawing geopolitical rent from trade preferences, along with an ethnically diverse population living at a basic level of welfare. Colonial efforts to encourage investment to boost productivity and raise the income of a more compact workforce to UK levels coincided with democratization. This had the unintended consequence in Trinidad and Tobago of stimulating excessive rent-seeking, which eliminated plantation profitability in the 1960s. However, this chapter argues that the plantation is a more flexible development institution than both dependency theorists like Best and mainstream economists like Baldwin assume. In contrast to Trinidad and Tobago, Mauritius’s sugar plantations successfully reformed and prospered under developmental government policies running hard budget constraints.

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