Toward a Definition of the French Renaissance Novel

1968 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 25-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Maynor Hardee

General criticism has considered the French novel of the sixteenth century as having followed an unpiloted course, and in the majority of cases it may seem as if the average author was inspired more by the trend of popular taste than by an aesthetic code or academic instruction regarding form and technique.

1947 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Seston

The author of the Vita Constantini (traditionally and persistently identified with Eusebius, despite the silence of St. Jerome), tells us that Constantine ‘at a banquet he was giving to the bishops declared that he too was a bishop. He added these words which I heard with my own ears: ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖϛ μὲν τῶν εἴσω τῆϛ ἐκτὸϛ ὑπὸ θεοῦ καθεσταμένοϛ ἐπίσκοπϛ ἂν εἴην ’.In attempts to define the relations between the first Christian emperor and the Church, no phrase is more frequently quoted than this obiter dictum. In the sixteenth century the French scholar Henri de Valois rendered τῶν ἐκτόϛ as if it were the genitive of τὰ ἐκτόϛ, and since then it has been the practice to regard Constantine as an ‘évèque du dehors’: the Emperor either exercised episcopal functions though not consecrated, or supervised mundane affairs (that is, the State), after the fashion of a bishop, or else held from God a temporal commission for ecclesiastical government, the bishops retaining control of dogma, ethics and discipline. Each of these three distinct interpretations is equally admissible.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Fahd Mohammed Taleb Al-Olaqi

<p>There is no ambiguity about the attractiveness of the Moors and Barbary in Elizabethan Drama. Peele’s <em>The Battle of Alcazar</em> is a historical show in Barbary. Hence, the study traces several chronological texts under which depictions of Moors of Barbary were produced about the early modern stage in England. The entire image of Muslim Moors is being transmitted in the Early Modern media as sexually immodest, tyrannical towards womanhood and brutal that is as generated from the initial encounters between Europeans and Arabs from North Africa in the sixteenth century and turn out to be progressively associated in both fictitious and realistic literatures during the Renaissance period. Some Moors are depicted in such a noble manner especially through this drama that has made them as if it was being lately introduced to the English public like Muly (Note 1) Abdelmelec. Thus, the image of Abdelmelec is a striking reversal of the traditional portrayal of the Moors. This protagonist character is depicted as noble, likeable and confident. He is considerately a product of the Elizabethan playwrights’ cross-cultural understanding of the climatic differences between races of Moorish men.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 580-601
Author(s):  
Libero Mario Mari ◽  
Francesca Picciaia ◽  
Alan Sangster

This article responds to a scarcity of literature on pre-nineteenth-century accounting education and addresses calls for more research into what gave rise to how we teach accounting today. The sixteenth century was when double entry began to extend beyond its Italian roots and the first printed bookkeeping manuals began to appear alongside Pacioli’s of 1494. Yet, it is the least covered period in our literature. We address this lacuna using hermeneutic analysis to critically analyse Dominico Manzoni’s seldom studied manual of 1540 to discover what he hoped to achieve, what he did, and identify what impact his manual had on how accounting education and accounting practice developed thereafter. We find Manzoni’s objective was to replace school and apprenticeship with the printed book; and that his experience as an accountant and teacher of bookkeeping resulted in his adopting a highly innovative pedagogy that led, taught, and engaged students through the written word. Finally, we identify Manzoni’s manual as the foundation of a dominant genre of bookkeeping manuals that adopted an approach to accounting education which led to the widespread adoption of Pacioli’s definition of double entry and the double entry system in accounting practice that has lasted to the present day.


1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-110
Author(s):  
W. L. Wiley

Scholars in the field of French literature of the Renaissance have been quite active during the past year, in keeping with a rising trend of interest that has been obvious for more than a decade. The various bibliographies—the Studies in Philology bibliography, the bibliography of the Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France, Professor Robert Taylor's listing of books in Renaissance News, etc.—all confirm, I believe, a healthy and growing concern for the sixteenth century in France. The SP bibliography, for example, included in 1949 some 202 items that related to the French Renaissance; the SP bibliography for 1962 contained 423 entries of books and articles involving the Renaissance in France, a pleasing statistical detail for seizièmistes on both sides of the Atlantic. As for journals, the Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance— in keeping with its ancestral connection with Abel Lefranc's Revue des études Rabelaisiennes and the later Revue du seizième siècle—continues to be the publication devoted primarily to the French Renaissance.


1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-236
Author(s):  
Michael B. Pulman

It has been remarked that the dissolution of the monasteries amounted to an infinite series of adjustments. This could hardly be more true than it is in the case of what happened to the lands of the dissolved abbey of St. Werburgh in Chester—a city about one hundred and seventy miles northwest of London, situated in a section of the country that was, at least compared with much of the south, uncouth and backward. Here the process of adjustment was so protracted, and in the end productive of so much acrimony, that the intervention of the highest authority in the land—that of the queen herself—was directly necessary for its successful completion, and, even with that intervention, a final concord was scarcely achieved before the 16th century gave way to the seventeenth. In Cheshire, the upheaval caused by the sudden disappearance of the regular Church was long in settling down. Settlement there was, eventually, but it was so slow in coming that one might consider amending the definition of the dissolution mentioned above to read: an infinite series of adjustments, almost infinitely prolonged.What happened in Cheshire can be seen from at least two viewpoints. It can be viewed as providing spectacular evidence as to who benefited the most from Henry VIII's attack upon the ecclesiastical institution; or it can be cited as a case study of just how the central government exercised its control over local affairs during the latter sixteenth century. Here I am concerned with both.


1998 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Katritzky

Although more has been written on the commedia dell'arte than on any other type of theatre, many fundamental questions remain unanswered, and opinions concerning its origins, early history, and definition are surprisingly divergent. It is evident that the term ‘commedia dell'arte’ would become virtually meaningless if it were stretched to include, without qualification, all manifestations of theatrical entertainment which feature characters representing, or deriving from, its stock types; or the full range of theatrical practises offered by the very versatile early comici d'arte, although all are of concern to commedia studies. The commedia dell'arte itself may be broadly defined as a type of professional dramatic performance associated with distinctive stock characters, that arose in mid-sixteenth-century Italy, whose evolving cultural derivatives have spread throughout Europe. Its stock types drew on a wide variety of sources, including mystery and mummers’ plays, carnival masks, street theatre and court entertainment; popular farces and erudite comedy; and have transcended the theatre to play key roles in music, dance, art and literature. The extreme complexity of its continuing interchanges with other cultural phenomena makes precise definition of the commedia dell'arte elusive, and the term itself also resists easy definition because it was coined only in mid-eighteenth-century Paris, two centuries after the type of theatre with which it is associated first came into being.


PMLA ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-83
Author(s):  
Daniel C. Boughner

The chief purpose of this paper is to describe one phase of the domestication of Latin drama on the Renaissance stage, specifically to show how a conventional type made famous by the Roman comedians, the miles gloriosus, was fashioned by the academic playwrights of sixteenth-century Italy into an instrument of contemporary satire. A secondary aim is to provide a fuller literary background for the study of the braggart in Elizabethan drama. Such analysis requires a summary of themes, situations, and attitudes that have enriched the comic tradition of Europe, and demands also a definition of the comic spirit that exposes and derides the vainglorious folly of the alazon or boaster who struts and brags of his merits in utter disregard of truth. Menander and his disciples in Latin comedy developed a satiric method which the Italians borrowed for the ridicule of modern representatives of the alazon. Any consideration of the commedia erudita must also be prefaced by a review of the political conditions in Italy that brought to prominence such hated types as the Spaniard and other mercenary soldiers. This paper describes the rôle of the Spaniard and traces the evolution of the braggart from the imitations of Plautus and Terence, through the modifications of conventional themes, and finally to the new elements inspired by the changed domestic conditions of the peninsula.


1886 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 2-22
Author(s):  
J. S. Mackay

Chasles in his Aperçu, Historique sur l'origine et le développement des Méthodes en Géométrie (seconde édition, 1875, pp. 214–215) makes the following statement:“Essays of the same kind as the geometry of the rule and that of the compasses, and which hold, so to speak, the mean between the two, had long previously engaged the attention of famous mathematicians. Cardan first of all in his book De Subtilitate had resolved several of Euclid's problems by the straight line and a single aperture of the compasses, as if one had in practice only a rule and invariable compasses. Tartalea was not long in following his rival on this field, and extended this mode of treatment to some new problems. (General trattato di numeri et misure; 5ta parte, libra terzo; in-fol. Venise, 1560). Finally, a learned Piedmontese geometer, J.–B. de Benedictis, made it the object of a treatise entitled: Resolutio omnium Euclidis problematum, aliorumque ad hoc necessario inventorum, una tantummodo circini data apertura; in-4°. Venise, 1553.”


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