Ancient Maya Chert Workshops in Northern Belize, Central America

1983 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry J. Shafer ◽  
Thomas R. Hester

Recent archaeological work at Colha and at other localities in the geographically restricted chert-bearing zone of northern Belize has revealed large-scale exploitation of chert for stone tool production. Workshops dated during the Late Preclassic period signal the beginning of craft specialization in chert working that continued in the Late Classic and into the Early Postclassic periods. Secular items such as large oval bifaces, tranchet bit tools and prismatic blades, as well as nonsecular eccentrics and stemmed macroblade artifacts are distinctive of the Late Preclassic and Late Classic workshops. The distribution sphere of Preclassic and Classic period chert tools has been traced to several contemporaneous sites that lie beyond the chert-bearing zone to the north. Colha has been identified as the primary production and distribution center during the Late Preclassic period; although it remained a production center in the Late Classic period, the main center for distribution may have shifted to Altun Ha.

1993 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald W. Forsyth

AbstractThe site of Nakbe, located approximately 13 km southeast of El Mirador in the far northern part of the Peten, has been investigated by the RAINPEG Project, directed by Richard Hansen, for the last four field seasons. The ceramic sequence from Nakbe has provided us with a much broader view of cultural development in the north-central Peten. We have defined a series of preliminary ceramic complexes that span Middle Preclassic through Late Classic times.The earliest complex at Nakbe, called Ox, which belongs to the Mamom horizon, is one of the two best represented at the site, and definitely associated, late in the period, with large-scale architecture. The principal ceramic groups are the Juventud, Chunhinta, and Pital. The main forms are bowls or basins with flaring walls and direct or everted rims, short-necked jars, cuspidors or semicuspidors, and composite-silhouette bowls. Particularly notable, although rare, are the types Muxanal Red-on-Cream and Tierra Mojada Resist. The Ox Complex is characterized by a high frequency of decoration executed by penetration methods, especially incision and chamfering.The unslipped pottery pertains to the types Achiotes Unslipped and Palma Daub. The latter is marked by a red wash applied to the exterior neck of the jar, the major form in these types. Daub is a form of decoration limited to the Middle Preclassic in this area, as is the chamfering technique on the slipped pottery.The ceramic complexes most similar to Ox are located to the south of Nakbe at Uaxactun and Tikal. The high frequency of chamfering, daub, and other traits strongly link Nakbe to these southern sites during the Middle Preclassic, while sites to the north and southwest, such as Seibal, Altar de Sacrificios, and Becan exhibit more tenuous connections.The Kan Complex belongs to the Late Preclassic period, and is characterized by the Sierra, Polvero, Flor, and Sapote Ceramic Groups. Although associated with the large structures in the site center, Kan ceramics are less abundant than Ox ceramics in our samples. Kan pottery corresponds closely to that of El Mirador and is similar to other complexes of the Chicanel horizon. Particularly noteworthy are everted rims with circumferential grooves and lateral, labial, and medial flanges and ridges. The unslipped pottery of the Kan Complex consists almost exclusively of jars bearing exterior striation from the shoulder to the base.The closest ceramic ties to Kan pottery continues to be with the southern complexes, especially Uaxactun and Tikal. Moreover, the similarity to Seibal is greater during Chicanel times, while Belize appears to differentiate itself ceramically from the Peten during this time. Nevertheless, the Chicanel horizon is the period in which the maximum geographical extent of a ceramic sphere is reached.“Protoclassic” ceramics are rare, but the small amounts recovered at Nakbe are similar to those from El Mirador. The major type is Iberia Orange, found in small quantities in surface contexts. Characterized by hollow, mammiform supports, hooked rims, and orange slip, this Nakbe pottery seems to be more similar to pottery at Seibal than to other complexes with Protoclassic pottery.Early Classic pottery is virtually nonexistent in our excavations, suggesting an insignificant occupation during this period.Late Classic pottery (Uuc Complex) appears in significant quantities at Nakbe, mainly in the outskirts of the site. All of the types and modes defined at El Mirador are found at Nakbe, principally Tinaja Red, Chinja Impressed, Infierno Black, and Carmelita Incised, as well as the polychrome types. Moreover, Codex-style polychrome was also found at the site. As at El Mirador, the Uuc ceramics are not found in association with large-scale architecture, and it appears that Nakbe was not a major center at this time.The major occupations at Nakbe pertain to the Middle and Late Preclassic periods. The abundance of architecture, ceramics, and other classes of artifacts from the Ox Complex provides us with an opportunity to investigate a Middle Preclassic occupation in which there was a much more complex social organization, at least at Nakbe, than had previously been suspected.


1987 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliot M. Abrams

The degree of development of specialist positions associated with large-scale construction at the Maya site of Copan, Honduras, is evaluated. The methodology used involves the quantification of energy, in human labor, which was expended in the construction of Str. 10L-22, a major palace in the Main Center of Copan. The results suggest that few specialists were required, and that the vast majority of construction personnel were unspecialized conscripts. Moreover, the absolute energetic investment was low, suggesting that energetic expenditures in largescale architecture could not have been a major source of stress on the Late Classic Maya socioeconomic system.


1987 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce H. Dahlin ◽  
Robin Quizar ◽  
Andrea Dahlin

Based on published lexicostatistical dates, two intervals in the prehistory of southern Mesoamerica stand out as fertile periods in terms of the generation of new languages: the Terminal Preclassic/early Early Classic Periods, and the Early Postclassic Period. After comparing archaeological evidence with language distributions within the subregions of southern Mesoamerica during the first of these periods, we conclude that the cultural processes during both periods had the same potential for producing rapid rates of linguistic divergences. Just as rapid proliferation of linguistic divisions was symptomatic of the well-known collapse of Late Classic Maya civilization, so it can be taken as a sign of a collapse of Terminal Preclassic civilization. Both collapses were characterized by severe population reductions, site abandonments, an increasing balkanization in material culture, and disruption of interregional communication networks, conditions that were contributory to the kind of linguistic isolation that allows language divergences. Unlike in the Terminal Classic collapse episode, small refuge zones persisted in the Early Classic Period that served as sources of an evolving classicism; these refuge zones were exceptions, however, not the rule. Although the collapse of each site had its own proximate cause, we suggest that the enormous geographical range covered by these Early Classic Period site failures points to a single ultimate cause affecting the area as a whole, such as the onset of a prolonged and devastating climatic change.


1998 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
William M. Ringle ◽  
Tomás Gallareta Negrón ◽  
George J. Bey

AbstractContinuing analysis of the site of Chichen Itza suggests that its construction dates primarily to the Late Classic period, ca. a.d. 700–1000, rather than the Early Postclassic. This paper examines the implications of this redating for the well-known “Toltec” problem. Since Chichen largely antedated Tollan-phase Tula, we conclude that what is usually identified as Toltec imagery in fact dates to an earlier Epiclassic horizon extending from Morelos and Puebla to the Gulf Coast and Yucatan. Chichen Itza, we suggest, was the eastern node in a network of shrine centers dedicated primarily to Quetzalcoatl/Kukulcan. This network transcended political boundaries and included such sites as Cholula, Cacaxtla, El TajIn, Xochicalco, and ultimately Tula. The Quetzalcoatl cult is manifested by a specific complex of traits and seems to have expanded militarily with messianic vigor. Pilgrimage was also an important activity at these centers. This cult axis apparently continued into the Postclassic period, and was responsible for the distribution of the Mixteca-Puebla art style. In Yucatan, Mayapan would seem to have assumed Chichen's position as the major Yucatecan node, although accompanied by several new shrines along the Caribbean coast.


1956 ◽  
Vol 22 (2Part1) ◽  
pp. 180-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward B. Danson ◽  
Roberts M. Wallace

Gila Polychrome pottery has been recognized since the time of the earliest archaeological work in the Southwest. Cushing, in 1887–88, recognized in the polychromes at Los Muertos and other Classic period sites of the Hohokam area the pottery type we now call Gila Polychrome. As more of the Southwest became known this type (W. and H. S. Gladwin 1930: 6) was found to be one of the most widespread, with a range extending from the Mogollon Rim on the north into northern Chihuahua and Sonora on the south and sporadically from Texas on the east through New Mexico to Gila Bend, Arizona, on the west (Haury 1945: 63).


2006 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Guderjan

The identity of the Classic Maya was expressed through public architecture and the creation of sacred landscape, which incorporated the landscape of creation and the concept of the world tree. Pyramids, plazas, stelae, and ballcourts were important components of this landscape. In the Peten, architectural complexes known as “E-groups” were another component. E-groups are well-known astronomical “orientation calendars” that were first built in the Terminal Preclassic period. Named after Group E at Uaxactun, they consist of three buildings on the east side of a public plaza and a fourth in the middle of the plaza or on the west side. Terminal Preclassic E-groups functioned as solstice and equinox markers. However, their function changed in the Early Classic period, arguably due to influence from Teotihuacan, to a focus on agricultural seasons. In this paper, I argue that pseudo–E-groups were built well into the Late Classic period in the eastern Peten and were a defining architectural complex for the region. The original, functional Terminal Preclassic E-groups were based on ritual activities focused on solar events. By the Early Classic, E-groups had become multipurpose parts of the sacred landscape of public architecture. Late Classic pseudo–E-groups, however, had become nonfunctional for either solar or agriculturally oriented observation. Nevertheless, they had become so deeply embedded into the template of sacred space and architecture that pseudo–E–groups were constructed to reinforce the identity of cities and the validity of their rulers.


Author(s):  
Brent K. S. Woodfill

Salinas de los Nueve Cerros is a major Pre-Columbian Maya city that grew around the only non-coastal salt source in the Maya lowlands. Residents of the city were able to transform the neighborhoods adjacent to and atop the salt dome into a large-scale production operation with the capacity to produce over 10,000 metric tons of salt a year, which were then distributed throughout the western lowlands via the Chixoy, Pasión, and Usumacinta river networks. By the Late Classic period, the city had expanded into the production and trade of other commodities that were locally produced (including agricultural and pescacultural goods) and traded from farther upriver. Investigations at Nueve Cerros since 2010 have shown that the salt source and basic production was tightly controlled by the local elite—workshops were associated with administrative structures containing the tombs of important individuals—although some phases of production or refining appear to have taken place throughout the site in each of the different neighborhoods under investigation. 


Author(s):  
Caroline Wickham-Jones ◽  
Karen Hardy ◽  
Ann Clarke ◽  
Michael Cressey ◽  
Kevin Edwards ◽  
...  

The archaeological site of Camas Daraich (on the peninsula of the Point of Sleat, in south-west Skye) was revealed in November 1999 when stone tools were discovered in the upcast from a newly bulldozed track. Excavation took place in May 2000, directed by the authors and under the auspices of Historic Scotland, the Centre for Field Archaeology and the Department of Archaeology, University of Edinburgh. The excavations were small-scale and brief, but they demonstrated the survival of stratified features (scoops and a possible hearth) as well as an assemblage of nearly 5000 flaked lithics, comprising both tools and debris. There was no organic preservation, with the exception of burnt hazelnut shell. The composition of the lithic assemblage suggested that the excavated site was Mesolithic and this was confirmed by the radiocarbon determinations, which place it securely in the mid 7th millennium BC. Surface material suggested that there was evidence for more recent prehistoric (stone-tool-using) activity in the vicinity. Although the archaeological work at Camas Daraich was limited, the site is interesting for several reasons. First, it is one of a growing number of sites in the area with early dates for human settlement (until the mid 1980s dated Mesolithic evidence was lacking in the north of Scotland). Second, the lithic raw materials in use at Camas Daraich connect it firmly to a wider network of sites and provide conclusive evidence for human mobility. Third, further Mesolithic material is likely to survive at Camas Daraich so that the future well-being of the site is an important issue. Fourth, though there was no organic preservation, used pumice was recovered and this is rare on Mesolithic sites. Fifth, the lithics include both narrow-blade tools and conventionally broader/larger pieces and the relationship between these two traditions is still poorly understood in Scottish archaeology. Camas Daraich suggests that they may not be as clearly separated as previously thought.


2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Golden ◽  
Andrew K. Scherer ◽  
A. René Muñoz ◽  
Rosaura Vasquez

In this article we present a synthetic overview and preliminary analysis of the data collected by members of the Sierra del Lacandón Regional Archaeology Project (SLRAP) during four field seasons of research from 2003 to 2007. We examine the growth, development, and transformation of the Classic Maya polities of Piedras Negras, Guatemala, and Yaxchilan, Mexico, located in the Middle Usumacinta Basin. This analysis uses a conjunctive approach, incorporating analyses of iconography, epigraphy, settlement patterns, ceramics, mortuary patterns, and architectural styles. During the Late Preclassic period (c. 250 B.C.-A.D. 350) settlement was scattered widely across the study region and Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan were only two of a number of other equally powerful Preclassic communities. In the Early Classic period (c. A.D. 350-600) royal dynasties were established at both Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan and the population of the region became concentrated at these two sites. During the Late Classic period (c. A.D. 600-810) the political frontier between Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan was repopulated and transformed into a contested border zone surrounding a political boundary. This territorial expansion culminated in endemic warfare by the eighth century A.D., which may have ultimately led to the demise of these two Maya polities.


2006 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin J. Johnston

Maya elites and commoners intensively occupied the Itzan escarpment, located in the lower Río de la Pasión drainage system of Petén, Guatemala, during the Preclassic and Protoclassic periods. Itzan was colonized during the Xe phase of the Middle Preclassic period, and its occupation intensified during the late Middle and Late Preclassic periods, when elite residential and ceremonial facilities were erected. During the Late Preclassic and Protoclassic periods, the escarpment was dominated by Chaak Ak'al, a large site distinguished by massive pyramids and lengthy wall-like constructions, which undoubtedly served as a polity capital. Subsequent to the Protoclassic period, the locus of activity atop the escarpment shifted back to Itzan, which served as a polity capital through the Late Classic period. From data collected at Itzan, Chaak Ak'al, and other sites of the lower Río de la Pasión drainage system, a picture of regional Preclassic Maya political geography is emerging.


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