The Ford Site, a Protohistoric Station in Norton, Massachusetts

1946 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Robbins

Within the town of Norton, Massachusetts, close by the boundary between it and the city of Taunton, lies the beautiful little body of water known to this day by its Indian name of Winneconnet. This lake, fed by a system of streams from the north and west and draining southward through a complicated network of ponds, swamps, and streams into the Taunton River, seems to have been the center of a large area of Indian population in ancient times. Cultivation and other disturbances of the earth surfaces have demonstrated the existence of many sites of former Indian habitation, while numerous items in local tradition point to the fact that many Indians lived and died within the township. Hardly a garden plot that has not yielded its quota of stone implements to the collections of local “relic hunters” exists in this vicinity.

Antiquity ◽  
1938 ◽  
Vol 12 (48) ◽  
pp. 437-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfons Maria Schneider

The village of İznik, north-east of Brussa, and far from all traderoutes, is today the mere ghost of what was once an important city. It is quite hidden within the ancient circumvallation, and occupies scarcely a third of the former area of the town. The wall itself, one of -the most impressive and best-preserved Byzantine monuments of Asia Minor, forms an irregular polygon (plan, FIG. I). The lacus Ascanius washes it on the west, while the other sides are bordered by a green, well-wooded plain, gradually giving place on the north-east to the slopes of Elmali dagh. A charming view of the village and walls can be abtained from a small knoll about 300 metres east of the city, with the lake shimmering in the distance and the fields shaded with cypresses, planes, walnut and other fruit-trees. The description of Catullus still holds good (Nicaeaeque ager uber aestuosae, 46.5): nature here is inexhaustible, and gives in abundance of the finest fruits to anyone who tills the earth. From May to October the weather is nearly always good, and in the height of summer the heat can be unbearable. Certainly the air is no longer pure and healthy as it was in Byzantine days; neglected water-courses and pools of subterranean water have brought malaria in their train. Nor is the sea alive with boats, for there is no fishing. Yet within recent years an improvement has taken place in those conditions which gave older travellers reason for feeling melancholy or annoyance, and it begins to look as if the village were slowly awakening from its long sleep.


2017 ◽  
Vol 05 (02) ◽  
pp. 1750012
Author(s):  
Fouad KHEIRABADI ◽  
Hooshmand ALIZADEH ◽  
Hossein NOURMOHAMMADZAD

The heat of the earth is provided by solar radiation. A change in the angle of solar radiation and the surface of the earth causes changes in the ambient temperature. Sometimes, these changes reduce climatic comfort of human beings. Climatic comfort is established when there is a balance between excreted and absorbed temperatures of the skin of the body. Orientation and extension rates of physics of squares relative to the geographical north influence the amount of received direct sunlight in different months. Relevant studies show that the squares of the city of Yazd reduce the climatic comfort of its citizens; moreover, the physics of Yazd's squares apply various extension rates, which led to high building costs to citizens and relevant organizations. This study, by using the correlation method and R software, measures different orientation and extension rates of physics of squares in Yazd. It analyzes two models with orientation and physical extension as variables and evaluates the shade and sunlight in the space. The results reveal significant differences between desirable and undesirable options. Considering the climatic comfort of space users and residents at the same time, a rectangle with an extension ratio of one to several and the north-south orientation, making the lowest facade face the south, is the most appropriate physic for city squares.


Author(s):  
Silvija Ozola

Traditions of the Christianity centres’ formation can be found in Jerusalem’s oldest part where instead of domestic inhabitants’ dwellings the second king of Israel (around 1005 BC–965 BC) David built his residence on a top of the Temple Mount surrounded by deep valleys. His fortress – the City of David protected from the north side by inhabitants’ stone buildings on a slope was an unassailable public and spiritual centre that northwards extended up to the Ophel used for the governance. David’s son, king of Israel (around 970–931 BC) Solomon extended the fortified urban area where Templum Solomonis was built. In Livonia, Bishop Albrecht obtained spacious areas, where he established bishoprics and towns. At foothills, residential building of inhabitants like shields guarded Bishop’s residence. The town-shield was the Dorpat Bishopric’s centre Dorpat and the Ösel–Wiek Bishopric’s centre Haapsalu. The town of Hasenpoth in the Bishopric of Courland (1234–1583) was established at subjugated lands inhabited by the Cours: each of bishopric's urban structures intended to Bishop and the Canonical Chapter was placed separately in their own village. The main subject of research: the town-shields’ planning in Livonia. Research problem: the development of town-shields’ planning at bishoprics in Livonia during the 13th and 14th century have been studied insufficiently. Historians in Latvia often do not take into account studies of urban planning specialists on historical urban planning. Research goal: to determine common and distinctive features of town-shield design in bishoprics of Livonia. Research novelty: town-shield plans of Archbishop’s and their vassals’ residences and capitals in Livonian bishoprics subjected to the Riga Archbishopric are analyzed. Results: study formation of Livonian town-shields’ layout and structure of the 13th and 14th centuries. Main methods: inspection of town-shields in nature, analysis of archive documents, projects, cartographic materials.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 224 (1) ◽  
pp. 377-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hayrullah Karabulut ◽  
Sezim Ezgi Güvercin ◽  
Figen Eskiköy ◽  
Ali Özgun Konca ◽  
Semih Ergintav

SUMMARY The unbroken section of the North Anatolian Fault beneath the Sea of Marmara is a major source of seismic hazard for the city of İstanbul. The northern and currently the most active branch, the Main Marmara Fault (MMF), is segmented within a shear zone and exhibits both partially creeping and locked behaviour along its 150 km length. In 2019 September, a seismic activity initiated near MMF, off-coast the town of Silivri, generating 14 earthquakes ≥ Mw 3.5 in a week. The Mw 5.8 Silivri earthquake, is the largest in the Marmara Sea since the 1963 Mw 6.3 Çınarcık earthquake. Our analyses reveal that the activity started in a narrow zone (∼100 m) and spread to ∼7 km following an Mw 4.7 foreshock within ∼2 d. The distribution of relocated aftershocks and the focal mechanisms computed from regional waveforms reveal that the Mw 5.8 earthquake did not occur on the MMF, but it ruptured ∼60° north-dipping oblique strike-slip fault with significant thrust component located on the north of the MMF. Finite-fault slip model of the main shock shows 8 km long rupture with directivity toward east, where the ruptured fault merges to the MMF. The narrow depth range of the slip distribution (10–13 km) and the aftershock zone imply that the causative fault is below the deep sedimentary cover of the Marmara Basin. The distribution of aftershocks of the Mw 5.8 event is consistent with Coulomb stress increase. The stress changes along MMF include zones of both stress decrease due to clamping and right-lateral slip, and stress increase due to loading.


Author(s):  
Peter Davenport

The frustrated cry of the young Barry Cunliffe has an odd echo in these days of preservation in situ. Sitting in the Roman Baths on his first visit as a schoolboy in 1955, he was astonished at how much was unknown about the Baths, despite their international reputation: large areas ‘surrounded by big question marks . . . all around . . . the word ‘‘unexcavated’’ ’ (Cunliffe 1984: xiii; figure 1). His later understanding of the realities and constraints of excavation only sharpened his desire to know more. Now, fifty years on and more, due in large part to that drive to know, his curiosity, we can claim to have made as much progress in our understanding of the baths and the city around them as had occurred in all the years before his visit, a history of archaeological enquiry stretching back over 400 years. In 1955 the baths were much as they had been discovered in the 1880s and 1890s. They were not well understood. The town, or city, or whatever surrounded it, were almost completely unknown, or at best, misunderstood. It was still possible in that year to argue that the temple of Sulis Minerva was on the north of the King’s Bath, not, as records of earlier discoveries made clear, on the west (Richmond and Toynbee 1955). Yet as the young Cunliffe sat and mused, the archaeological world was beginning to take note and a modern excavation campaign was beginning; indeed had begun: Professor Ian Richmond, in a short eight years to become a colleague, had started ‘his patient and elegant exploration of the East Baths’ the summer before (Cunliffe 1969: v). Richmond initiated a small number of very limited investigations into the East Baths, elucidating a tangle of remains that, while clearly the result of a succession of alterations and archaeological phases, had never been adequately analysed. Richmond’s main aim was to understand the developmental history of the baths, and this approach, combined with a thoughtful and thorough study of the rest of the remains, led to a still broadly accepted phasing and functional analysis (Cunliffe 1969).


1977 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Conniff

In the 1530’s, as Mexico and then Peru began sending eastward the treasure which would so profoundly affect European life, the town of Guayaquil was established on the coast of present-day Ecuador. During the next three centuries Guayaquil developed into a society fundamentally different from and even antithetical to those of the great highland capitals. Agriculture, industry, and commerce, rather than mining, became the mainstays of Guayaquil’s economy. The decline of indigenous population on the coast and an influx of free Negroes from the north rendered an egalitarian and racially mixed people of low social differentiation. Cacao grown on the coastal lowlands provided the thrust for a wide range of trade and manufacturing activities. Yet tensions between location on a main imperial trade route and the stifling commercial control of nearby Lima resolved into a rough-and-tumble political system which thrived on contraband and autonomy. By the early nineteenth century Guayaquil had achieved a large measure of independence from Spain, and it played an important role in the liberation movements of western South America. After sketching the early development of the city, we will examine in some detail the system of labor and production in Guayaquil during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Then the city’s precocious autonomy within the colonial system will be discussed, prior to a concluding assessment of the social outcomes of Guayaquil’s development by the time of Independence.


1968 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 133-146
Author(s):  
Costis Davaras

In the spring of 1962 workmen digging the foundation shafts for the construction of a house at Atsalenio hit upon two Geometric tombs. Atsalenio is a quarter outside Heraklion, midway between the city centre and Knossos. The site of the tombs, which is the property of the contractors, D. Ritsopoulos and D. Serdherakis, lies about 100 metres to the west of the road to Knossos and about 200 metres to the north of the modern graveyard of Atsalenio. As the tombs were just outside the Knossos area of the British School, although belonging to the Geometric cemeteries of Knossos, I undertook their excavation as Epimelete of the Archaeological Service.The site of the tombs, like most of the adjacent area, was a vineyard before building began, and the soil was cultivated to a depth of c. 0·7 m. This had destroyed the roofs of the tombs. The digging of the foundation shafts for the building had also destroyed all but the beginning of the dromos of Tomb A and had just reached the upper level of its burials before work was halted. Nearly all Tomb B, too, had been destroyed; the sherds from it were recovered for the most part from the earth thrown out by the builders.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Elizabeta Susaj ◽  
Enkelejda Kucaj ◽  
Erald Laçi ◽  
Lush Susaj

Bulqiza District is the largest chromium source, ranked fourth in the world for chrome reserves. It lays in the north-eastern part of Albania, 330-1800 m a.s.l, with 728 km² area, between 41o30’43.1N and 20o14’56.21E. There are 136 entities with chromium extraction activity and around the city of Bulqiza (2.6 km² and 13000 inhabitants), there are 33 entities. The aim of the study was the identification of the environmental state and environmental impact assessment of chromium extraction (chromite mining) and giving recommendations to minimize the negative effects of this activity. Field observations, questionnaires, chemical analysis of soil and water, meetings and interviews with central and local institutions as well as with residents were used for the realization of the study. The obtained results showed that chromium extraction causes numerous irreversible degradation of the environment in the Bulqiza area, such as the destruction of surface land layers and erosion, destruction of flora and fauna, soil and water pollution, health problems, unsustainable use and reduction of chromium reserves, etc. The inert waste that emerges after the chromium partition is discharged to the earth surface without any regularity, covering the surface of the soil and flora, leading to irreversible degradation of the environment. Most of the mining entities do not respect the contracts and environmental permit issued by the Ministry of Energy and Industry (MEI).


Author(s):  
A. B. Vasilenko ◽  
◽  
N. V. Polshchikova ◽  
O. I. Marceniuk ◽  
А. V. Namchuk ◽  
...  

The tradition of the holidayswhich dedicatedtotheendof the grape harvest, was born in Hellada in ancient times, in the countryside and gradually moved to the cities. This process began in the VIII century BC. Holidays were dedicated to God Dionysus, he was responsible about the natural forces of the earth and vegetation, the mastery of viticulture and winemaking. The holiday started to name Dionysuy. One of the most important action –dance around a circle. Then it becamenational, it conducted in cities, where was taken the new forms. Actors or other free citizens of the city performed on the level of the round plan as a symbol (similar to the village dance in a circle) citywide holiday, the audience were also residents of the city, seats for which came down to the playground of actors in the form of a semicircular funnel. Initially, such places were arranged on artificial sub-constructions of wood. Such structures were prefabricated and were used many times. There have been cases of their collapse. Only after being in Athens to the second part of VI century BC such structures collapsed during the performance, it was decided more of this type of sub-exercise not to be used. From the end of the VI century BC, places for spectators were cut downin the natural hills. And the theaters themselves turned into stationary facilities, which contributed to many spectacular innovations and conveniences of actors -all this increased the visual efficiency of performances. From a simple place of national celebration gradually theaters turned into city-wide centers of state-political information (where the words of the actors conveyed to the audience the general provisions of state policy). For example, in the time of Pericles (444-429 BC), the poor free citizens of Athens were given theatrical money from the state treasury, which they had the right to spend solely on watching theatrical productions. Taking into account the fact that the theaters gathered several thousand spectators at the same time, the performances contributed to the dissemination of state information at a time for a large number of residents of the city. The Theatre of Deonis in Athens under the acropolis of the Acropolis accommodated 17,000 spectators from the total number of citizens in the heyday of 100,000. In addition, it was noticed that certain performances contribute to the optimistic mood of the ISSN 2519–4208. ПРОБЛЕМЫ ТЕОРИИ И ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ УКРАИНЫ.2020. No 20142audience, and this has a beneficial effect on their health. Therefore, it is no coincidence that theatrical productions (late classics of Hellas) were provided among the medical and recreational procedures in the “Asclepius” treatment and health procedures at VI C. in B.C.). The “Asclepius” architectural ensemble has a theatre as part of a medical and recreational center.Theatrical actions carried to the masses the state lines of ideology and politics, increased the general culture of the population while influencing the audience as wellness procedures. Theatrical performances were more effective than temple services. This is the need for the construction of theaters throughout Hellenism, where there was no city within Hellenistic borders, where there would be no theater. By the end of the III century BC, when the entire East Mediterranean world was subordinated to the Roman Republic, the type of theatrical construction of Hellas was completely formed. This was accepted by the Romans for their theatrical productions, gradually adapting it to the features of their mass-entertainment culture.


Author(s):  
Anastasiya S. Dymchenko

The article deals with the image of Arkhangelsk presented in the historical novels about the epoch of Peter I: "Peter I" by Aleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy and "Young Russia" by Yuri German. The article describes the regular appeal of Soviet writers of the 1930s – 1940s to the reforms of Peter the Great and the necessity of introduction of the image of the City of Arkhangelsk and the chronotope of the Russian North into the narration of the historical novels about Peter I. Moreover, the paper analyses the differences in the approach to representation of Arkhangelsk by A.N. Tolstoy and Yuri German. Creative reinterpretation of the town by A.N. Tolstoy enhances the idea of confl ict between West-European progress and old-Russian stagnation expressed in his novel, while preserving the ancestral traditions of shipbuilding in the North is of primary importance to Yuri German. Besides, the continuity between the novel by Yuri German and fl ash fi ction of Boris Shergin is retraced in the article.


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