Evolving Regional Ties in Northeast Asia: Japan, the U.S., and the USSR

Asian Survey ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 28 (12) ◽  
pp. 1229-1244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peggy L. Falkenheim
Keyword(s):  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The U.S

The North Korean Nuclear Crisis and U.S. Strategy in Northeast Asia

Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert Rozman
Keyword(s):  
Phase 1 ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Phase 2 ◽  
The North ◽  
Nuclear Crisis ◽  
The U.S

The nuclear crisis tested the U.S. in four distinct periods from 2002 to 2007, as slowly its strategy shifted toward multilateralism. After failing to rally any state but Japan to its side, the U.S. approved the Joint Agreement by working more closely with China. With Phase 1 finishing, Phase 2 puts a premium on multilateralism for which the U.S. is unprepared.

Evolving Regional Ties in Northeast Asia: Japan, the U.S., and the USSR

Asian Survey ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 28 (12) ◽  
pp. 1229-1244
Author(s):  
Peggy L. Falkenheim
Keyword(s):  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The U.S

scholarly journals South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Ki-Su Kim
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Buffer Zone ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The U.S

The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.

Sacrificial causalities of nuclear weapons: Takashi Nagai and Albert Wohlstetter

2021 ◽  
pp. 175508822110448
Author(s):  
William E DeMars
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Thought Experiment ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Rand Corporation ◽  
Nuclear Age ◽  
Important Study ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The U.S

After the U.S. dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan in 1945, both nations experienced a profound need for a new and encompassing story of what it meant to be Japanese, and to be American, in the permanent nuclear age. This article is a thought experiment to juxtapose the writings and personas of two people who helped their respective societies answer those needs and questions during the early Cold War: Takashi Nagai—medical radiologist, and survivor of the American atomic bombing of Nagasaki, and Albert Wohlstetter—leading American civilian nuclear strategist for the RAND Corporation in the 1950s. Using a combination of mythopeic analysis, biography and illuminative juxtaposition, the study discovers surprising similarities and analogies between the two cases. They each enact and propose interesting variations of sacrificial causalities—claims that human nuclear sacrifices past or promised can bring peace by deterrence now or peace by abolition soon enough. This is an important study now, as both Japan’s nuclear pacifism and the American nuclear umbrella in Northeast Asia are coming under more severe questioning than perhaps ever before.

Reassessing the U.S. Rebalance to Northeast Asia

Orbis ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilbert Rozman
Keyword(s):  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The U.S

Introduction to “Culture around the Bases: A Forum on the U.S. Military Presence in Northeast Asia”

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seungsook Moon
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The U.S

This introduction discusses how to think about the U.S. military presence as an understudied force of globalization both theoretically and historically. In an effort to bring together three articles written by a sociologist, an anthropologist, and a historian, it engages theoretically with issues of unequal power relations, feelings of ambivalence, and postcolonial agency. It also provides summaries of three case studies on South Korea, Okinawa, and mainland Japan to show both intentional and unintentional cultural consequences of the long-term U.S. military presence in these societies.

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