Contemporary International Relations of the Caribbean and The Restless Caribbean: Changing Patterns of International Relations

1980 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 568-570
Author(s):  
Tony Thorndike
2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 279-287
Author(s):  
Tatiana Tazikhina ◽  
◽  
Vladimir Kvasha ◽  
Yulia Solovova ◽  
Igbal Guliev ◽  
...  

The green energy agenda has become one of the most important issues in international relations. Many island states of the Oceania have taken the course of green economy construction. The Caribbean states are in some way similar to the Oceania ones and have also made several steps towards greener future. Some of these states are tightly connected with international tourism, leading to the high dependence of their economies from touristic revenues. The article examines this interconnection, including economic component in the analysis. The major question of the article is how does (or doesn’t) tourism influence the development of green energy in the Caribbean states. The two major economies examined in the region are Cuba and Dominican Republic as the two examples of the totally different economic systems and approaches to the development of the green energy. The key findings of the article include such conclusions as the possibility of synergetic interdependence between tourism, economy and green energy and the positive effects this interdependence has. The other finding is that the Cuban method of introducing green energy is less effective than the Dominican one. The novelty of the article includes the comparison of the two economic models in the Caribbean and the development of strategies for the green energy proliferation in the countries.


Author(s):  
Andrei Polejack ◽  
Luciana Fernandes Coelho

Ocean science is central in providing evidence for the implementation of the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention. The Convention’s provisions on transfer of marine technology to developing countries aim at strengthening scientific capabilities to promote equitable opportunities for these countries to exercise rights and obligations in managing the marine environment. Decades after the adoption of the Convention, these provisions are under implemented, despite the efforts of international organizations, such as IOC-UNESCO. Latin America and the Caribbean struggle to conduct marine scientific research and seize the opportunities of blue economy due to the limited access to state-of-the-art technology. Ocean science communities in these countries are subject to constraints not foreseeing in international treaties, such as unstable exchange rates, taxation, fees for transportation, costs of maintenance and calibration of technology, challenges to comply with technical standards, and intellectual property rights. Action is needed to overcome these challenges by promoting a closer tie between science and diplomacy. We discuss that this interplay between science and international relations, as we frame science diplomacy, can inform on how to progress in allowing countries in this region to develop relevant research and implement the Convention. We provide concrete examples of this transfer of marine technology and ways forward, in particular in the context of the UN Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development (2021–2030).


Books Abroad ◽  
1958 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
Max L. Moorhead ◽  
A. Curtis Wilgus

2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTHONY PAYNE

United States–Caribbean relations over the period of the last thirty or forty years have rarely—if ever—been analysed in a thoroughly satisfying way. It is a strange omission in the international relations literature given the proximity of the United States to the Caribbean, and vice versa. But the fact is that most accounts of the relationship have fallen prey to a powerful, but ultimately misleading, mythology by which small, poor, weak, dependent entities in the Caribbean have either created trouble for, or alternatively been confronted by, the ‘colossus to the north’ that is the United States in whose ‘backyard’ they unfortunately have to reside. Virtually all analysts of the US–Caribbean relationship have thus drawn a picture marked at heart by the notion of an inherently unequal struggle between forces of a different order and scale. Within this broad metaphor the only major difference of interpretation has reflected the competing theories of power in the international system developed by the realist and structuralist schools.


1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 632-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Good

Whatever happened to the “radical,” “moderate,” and “conservative” African states we used to talk about not so long ago—say in early 1961? One wonders if the snapshot of African orientations, then in fair focus, has not become badly blurred.President Sekou Touré, once the radical foe of neo-colonialist African regimes, has more recently offered assurances that his nation opposed intervention in the internal affairs of other states and thus tacitly acknowledged the legitimacy of the states he had formerly condemned. Touré helped to prepare the way for the reconciliation of “radical” and “conservative” states at Addis Ababa, in May 1963, where the Organization of African Unity was formed. At that conference, another stormy petrel of West African radicalism, President Modibo Keita of Mali, observed that though the colonial system divided Africa, “it permitted nations to be born.” “African unity,” he declared, “requires full respect for the frontiers we have inherited from the colonial system.”


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