Foreign Policy Making in Developing States: A Comparative Approach

1978 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-296
Author(s):  
J. M. Lee
1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Larry W. Bowman

Relationships between U.S. government officials and academic specialists working on national security and foreign policy issues with respect to Africa are many and complex. They can be as informal as a phone call or passing conversation or as formalized as a consulting arrangement or research contract. Many contacts exist and there is no doubt that many in both government and the academy value these ties. There have been, however, ongoing controversies about what settings and what topics are appropriate to the government/academic interchange. National security and foreign policy-making in the U.S. is an extremely diffuse process.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110567
Author(s):  
Shubhamitra Das

Indo-Pacific has emerged as a region of great movement, conflict and cooperation, contestations and coalition-building. The emergence of minilateral and multilateral cooperation by the middle powers is increasing in the region, with the regional countries enthusiastically mapping the region focussing on their centrality. History proves that the role of middle-power countries became more prominent during the moments of international transition. The two contrasting powers like India and Australia; one with a post-colonial identity in foreign policy-making, subtle emphasis on non-aligned movement (NAM) and emerging as an influential power, and, on the other, a traditional middle power with an alliance structure and regionalism akin to the Western model, have equal stakes in the region and it is inevitable for them to take a leadership position in building what is called a middle power communion in the Indo-Pacific. This article will explore the understanding of middle powers and how India and Australia, as middle powers; are strategically placed and, being great powers within their respective regions; take the responsibility of region-building and maintaining peace with great powers, and how the Indo-Pacific and Quad are emerging as discourses within their foreign policy-making.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S2) ◽  
pp. 785-794
Author(s):  
Viktoriia V. Ruda

The development of a common foreign policy course and the creation of joint defence have become the main tasks of the European Community from the very beginning of its foundation, and the practical implementation of cooperation in these areas turns out to be rather difficult and runs into certain problems. Being part of the European Community, the member countries are aware of the necessity to pursue such a course in order to obtain the status of a full-fledged subject of international politics, but this does not deprive them of their fears about the loss of their national sovereignty and some foreign policy priorities. The purpose of the study is to study the process of formation and development of cooperation between Western European countries in the field of foreign policy, security and defence, as well as using the experience of the countries of the former Republic of Yugoslavia to resolve the situation on the territory of Ukraine. The comparative approach of peripheral areas emphasises the unsettled situation, which in some cases may seem better than internationally structured and is on the path of consolidation, while in other cases destabilization still strongly affects the development prospects of states.


Politologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-55
Author(s):  
Tomas Janeliūnas

This article raises the question of what role does the presidential institution hold in the Lithuanian foreign policy formation mechanism and how a particular actor (president) can change their powers in foreign policy without going beyond the functions formally defined in the Constitution. The period of President Grybauskaitė’s term and her efforts as an actor to define her role in shaping Lithuanian foreign policy are analyzed. This is assessed in the context of the activities and behavior of former Lithuanian presidents and in the context of relations with other institutions involved in foreign policy making – the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Seimas in particular. This article analyzes the relationship between the actor (Grybauskaitė) and the already established structure of domestic foreign policy formation and the ability of the actor to change this structure. The analysis suggests that it is precisely because of the choices made by Grybauskaite during 2009–2019 that a relationship between the structures of foreign policy making in Lithuania has changed considerably, and that the center of power of foreign policy formation has shifted to the presidency.


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