Eastern Europe in the Post-war World and Germany's Eastern Frontiers: The Problem of the Oder-Neisse Line

1962 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-103
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Wiskemann
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 408-414
Author(s):  
Martin Kohlrausch ◽  
Daria Bocharnikova

This article demonstrates the social and political impact of modernist architects in Europe’s age of extremes beyond the narrower confines of architecture. In East Central Europe with its ideological tensions, massive socio-political ruptures and eventually the establishment of communist regimes, architects’ social visions and the states’ aspirations led to intense interactions as well as strong controversies. In order to unravel these, we stress the relevance of modernism as a belief and knowledge system. In so doing we point to often unacknowledged continuities between the interwar and the immediate post-war period thus re-politicising the work of modernist architects as a project of worldmaking in the context of competing ideologies and sociotechnical imaginaries.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Cioffi

Communism was not always hated and feared by everyone in Eastern Europe. At a certain moment in recent post-war history, a group of influential intellectuals in Poland—now a place where even ex-communist politicians are careful to swear their allegiance to free markets—wanted to reform but still keep a Communist system. That moment was the Polish October, named for the month in 1956 when Wladyslaw Gomulka, a man who believed in a “Polish road to socialism,” took power as First Secretary of the Communist Party. Just as the Czechs in 1968 believed in “socialism with a human face,” the Poles in 1956 believed that Communism could be, in the jargon of their day, “revised” to better fit people's needs. The Polish October was the result of a complex network of events beginning with Stalin's death in 1953, coming to a climax with workers' strikes in June, 1956 in Poznan, and ending in Khrushchev's acquiescence to Gomulka's election in October, 1956. During this period, one of the important contributors to the intellectual ferment that led to the October, the theatre group Studencki Theatr Satyryków or STS, established a cultural niche for alternative theatre that mocked the Communist system and led to one of the most political, vital alternative theatre movements in the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-219
Author(s):  
Raluca Muşat

The interwar period was a time when the rural world gained new prominence in visions of modernity and modernisation across the world. The newly reconfigured countries of Eastern Europe played a key role in focusing attention on the countryside as an important area of state intervention. This coincided with a greater involvement of the social sciences in debates and in projects of development and modernisation, both nationally and internationally. This article examines the contribution of the Bucharest School of Sociology to the creation of an idea of ‘the global countryside’ that emerged in the interwar years and only matured in the post-war period.


Author(s):  
C. M. G. Himsworth

This final chapter traces the European Charter of Local Self-Government’s trajectory over its thirty years. It was born in times of post-War European enthusiasm for co-operation between states; benefited greatly from its relevance to the post-1989 transformation of Central and Eastern Europe and to the process of admission to European Union membership; but now faces a more uncertain future (along with the Council of Europe) in the newer configuration of Europe and increasing stresses and strains between states.


Author(s):  
Aleksander Shubin

The article examines the Soviet-German economic and military cooperation in 1939–1941 and the motives behind the position adopted by the Soviet leadership at that time. The author believes that the Soviet leaders' choice of military supplies was determined by both the experience of the war in Spain and their ideas about the potential theatre of military operations in Eastern Europe. The defeat of France, the territorial changes of 1940, and the growing threat of a military clash with Germany were among significant influences on the adjustment of the Soviet position. The Soviet leadership's ideas about the beginning of the war turned out to be largely erroneous, which led to a different contribution of German military supplies to the Soviet victory. The role of the Navy in the coming war was overestimated. A bid to overcome the technical backlog of Soviet aviation, demonstrated during the war in Spain, was successful. The role of tanks was underestimated. The author traces the course of negotiations on supplies and demonstrates the role of Soviet intelligence in reaching an agreement. Germany invested in the current needs of the population's consumption and supplying industry, primarily military. The USSR invested mainly in the future, which in the conditions of the Second World War, the Soviet leadership linked to the development of weapons production. German supplies played a role in the further general technical modernization of Soviet industry, which was a valuable contribution to the victory and contributed to the post-war development of Soviet industry.


2019 ◽  
pp. 223-230
Author(s):  
Ivan Matkovskyy

In the article the author Ivan Matkovsky analizes the publicistic work of Jozef Lobodowski who was the dedicated supporter of the Polish-Ukrainian Association. He tries to show Lobodowski’s reception of the Ukrainian nationalist movement in the 30th and the attempts of Ukrainians in this regard. Against the background of the internal problem of the Polish state, called the “Ukrainian question”, the author watches the opinions of the conscious patriotic Polish intellectuals who under the slogan of “historical objectivity” made attempts to prevent the tragedy in the relations between two neighboring states. Using post-war publications the author makes an attempt to show the evolution of the national liberation struggle evaluation which can be used by scientists for studying the Polish-Ukrainian relations these days. The author shows the evolution of Jozef Lobodowski who was shocked the horrors of the 1932-1933 Holodomor (Great Famine). The publicist breaks with his Communist past and Russophile sentiments. Lobodowski tries to present in interwar Poland the tragedy of the Ukrainian intellectuals who came under the Soviet government occupation. There are several key directions Lobodowski was working on: the popularization of contemporary Ukrainian culture, the finding of an unknown Ukrainian historical and an analysis of the Ukrainian political environment. Therefore, we observe the efforts of Jozef Lobodowski to estimate the reasons of the conflict with the Ukrainian nationalists representatives. He offers his own vision for future of the Polish-Ukrainian cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. It is important the author’s attempt to show the development of Jozef Lobodowski’s activities in the period of his emigration. Those days both Ukrainians and Polish emigrants were trying to analyze the common Polish-Ukrainian past in Galicia and Volyn and create new platforms for dialogue. And one of those platforms are the creations and views of Jozef Lobodowski


Author(s):  
Martín L. Vargas ◽  
Alla Guekht ◽  
Josef Priller

In order to promote international homogeneity of neuropsychiatric services and standards of practice, one must consider local historical perspectives. This chapter focuses on the variety of historical perspectives on neuropsychiatry between countries in Central, Southern, and Eastern Europe, focusing first on Central Europe, from its initial understanding with Hippocrates, through the inter- to post-war disciplinary fracture of neurology and psychiatry, to the eventual influence of the Anglo-American tradition in the latter half of the twentieth century that saw the fracture mended. Further connections between different cultural perspectives on neuropsychiatry are explored, such as the German tradition’s influence on neuropsychiatry in Franco’s Spain, and the impact of Pinel and Charcot’s nineteenth-century advances in the French school on Europe as a whole. Given the advance of globalization, an international paradigm is now needed for neuropsychiatry, which could help define the discipline and incorporate new integrative perspectives such as neurophenomenology and neuropsychoanalysis.


1993 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-345
Author(s):  
Ernest Gellner

The article restates the theory of Nationalism, which it links to the transition from agrarian to industrial or industrializing society. In an agrarian society, culture is used to underscore a complex and fairly stable system of statuses. Political units themselves are complicated and overlapping and ill-defined, and culture does not demarcate their boundaries. In an industrial society, work ceases to be physical and becomes semantic, and society itself is highly mobile. Under these circumstances, a shared and standardized, codified culture, inculcated by formal education, becomes a precondition of social participation and employability. When shared, literacy-linked culture is very important, people identify with it and thus become ‘nationalists’. The article also traces the five stages which Europe has passed in the course of this transition: the perpetuation of the old dynastic/religious political system in 1815, the century of nationalist irredentism, the setting up of a political system in 1918 based on nationalities which was weak and self-defeating, the most intensive period of ‘ ethnic cleansing’ in the 1940s under the cover of war-time secrecy and post-war retaliation, and finally a certain demolition of the intensity of ethnic feeling during advanced industrialism, thanks to the partial convergence of industrial cultures and the softening impact of affluence.


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