Atlantic Democracy: A Comparison of the Constitutions of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation Member States

1959 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-66
Author(s):  
Brian Chapman
Author(s):  
Mārtiņš Vargulis ◽  

As a part of the overarching publication “Willingness to Defend Own Country in the Baltic States: Implications for National Security and NATO’s Collective Defence” (2021), author of this chapter analyses policies and measures of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in fostering societal resilience and willingness to defend own country. The author underlines that the concept of resilience has gained additional foothold in the recent years in NATO. Notwithstanding that, interaction with the member states’ societies and resilience thereof primarily remains the responsibility of NATO member states themselves.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Sigurjón Njarðarson ◽  
Bjarni Már Magnússon

When Iceland became a party to NATO, the Icelandic government seems to have believed that it made a reservation to the core obligation of the North Atlantic Treaty – the “one for all and all for one” obligation — in a speech held during a dinner celebrating its signature. A few decades later, this belief prevails, to some extent, in Icelandic politics. This opinion has no substance in international law. As is discussed, the reservation does not conform to formal and substantive requirements that international law makes to reservations. Consequently, Iceland is bound by the North Atlantic Treaty in the same way as other member states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 198 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-819
Author(s):  
Marian Kuliczkowski

Poland’s accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1999 was one of the most critical events in the Third Republic history. The integration process with NATO’s political and military structures is long-term and requires the constant commitment of all state structures and institutions. Participation in the joint creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Member States’ defense force means, under Article 3 of the Treaty, the states’ maintenance and development of individual and joint capacity to counter armed attack. Thereby Poland is also obliged to conduct defense preparations in the national dimension. It requires providing formal, legal, and organizational conditions for the country’s functioning in the event of increasing the national defense readiness. Such conditions are necessary to perform tasks as part of national defense carried out on its territory and the territory of other states – the Members of the Alliance. The content presented in this article attempts to present legal, institutional, and instrumental aspects of defense preparations in Poland in the context of allied obligations. They concern the need for all NATO Member States to maintain and develop individual and joint capabilities to counter an armed attack. Given the nature of the problem, it should be remembered that Poland’s integration with NATO takes place both in the defense sphere and in economic, social, legal, and political matters.


Law and World ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-54

The main goal of this paper is to outline the importance of Article 4 in the daily work of the North Atlantic Treaty Association. The paper answer the questions such as: in what cases are consultations called? Who can apply for consultations in NATO? What role does consultation play in the organization's decision-making? What kind of consultations can hold in the organization? A broad definition of consultation in the paper demonstrates its importance and effectiveness in the work of an organization. At the same time, practical examples indicate that it is very effective, and based on it, the Member States can make the best decisions. This allows the Member States not only to respond to threats of territorial integrity, political independence and security but also to have a preventive nature. The paper also includes the definition of bases of consultations that may threaten: that's are territorial integrity, political independence or security. Accordingly, the political and legal meanings of these terms are widely defined. Finally, the paper provides a clear legal definition of Article 4 of the founding Treaty of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which will enable the interested party to comprehend the conditions of this paper.


1892 ◽  
Vol 34 (872supp) ◽  
pp. 13940-13941
Author(s):  
Richard Beynon

2019 ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Oleh Poshedin

The purpose of the article is to describe the changes NATO undergoing in response to the challenges of our time. Today NATO, as a key element of European and Euro-Atlantic security, is adapting to changes in the modern security environment by increasing its readiness and ability to respond to any threat. Adaptation measures include the components required to ensure that the Alliance can fully address the security challenges it might face. Responsiveness NATO Response Force enhanced by developing force packages that are able to move rapidly and respond to potential challenges and threats. As part of it, was established a Very High Readiness Joint Task Force, a new Allied joint force that deploy within a few days to respond to challenges that arise, particularly at the periphery of NATO’s territory. NATO emphasizes, that cyber defence is part of NATO’s core task of collective defence. A decision as to when a cyber attack would lead to the invocation of Article 5 would be taken by the North Atlantic Council on a case-by-case basis. Cooperation with NATO already contributes to the implementation of national security and defense in state policy. At the same time, taking into account that all decision-making in NATO based on consensus, Ukraine’s membership in the Alliance quite vague perspective. In such circumstances, in Ukraine you often can hear the idea of announcement of a neutral status. It is worth reminding that non-aligned status did not save Ukraine from Russian aggression. Neutral status will not accomplish it either. All talks about neutrality and the impossibility of Ukraine joining NATO are nothing but manipulations, as well as recognition of the Ukrainian territory as Russian Federation area of influence (this country seeks to sabotage the Euro-Atlantic movement of Ukraine). Think about it, Moldova’s Neutrality is enshrined in the country’s Constitution since 1994. However, this did not help Moldova to restore its territorial integrity and to force Russia to withdraw its troops and armaments from Transnistria.


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