Hiring of Dock Workers and Employment Practices in the Ports of New York, Liverpool, London, Rotterdam, and Marseilles.

ILR Review ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 449
Author(s):  
Elmo P. Hohman ◽  
Vernon H. Jensen
ILR Review ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 414
Author(s):  
Vernon H. Jensen

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 89-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelvin Singh

When the Venezuelan dictator, Juan Vincente Gómez, died on 17 December 1935, after ruling Venezuela with an iron fist for 27 years, an outburst of popular unrest and nationalistic fervour was unleashed against the foreign oil companies operating on Venezuelan soil. The dominant oil interests in Venezuela at the time were Royal Dutch Shell, the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey and the Gulf Oil Company. There were several smaller companies such as British Controlled Oilfields, a British state-owned company with a network of Venezuelan affiliates, and the Socony Vacuum Company, a New York-based company which was a significant latecomer. It was the first three aforementioned companies, however, that constituted the Big Three.1The oil companies were associated in the popular mind with the odious Gómez dictatorship and partly for this reason became the object of the people's wrath. Yet there were also practical economic and social reasons for the popular feeling against the companies. The latter paid low wages, provided miserable housing and social amenities for their workers and discriminated against Venezuelans in their employment practices.2For more than a year after the dictator's death Venezuela was in the throes of popular unrest.


ILR Review ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-432
Author(s):  
Vernon H. Jensen

Author(s):  
Kate Dossett

This chapter examines how Black performance communities in New York City and Seattle transformed the political narrative of Stevedore from an interracial labor drama into a play of Black self-determination. First staged by the Theatre Union in New York in 1934, this white-authored labor drama explores interracial relations between Black and white dockworkers. The Black hero who stands up for fellow dockworkers is framed on a rape charge. When the white mob arrives to lynch the Black hero, Black dock workers fight back with the help of white union men. Two years later Stevedore was staged by the Seattle Negro Unit. On the federal theatre the interracial ending was downplayed, and possibly dropped altogether: Black men appear to resist the white mob alone. Black self-determination, rather than interracial unionism wins the day. Stevedore’s fascinating production history offers insight into the practices and theoretical debates which framed political theatre in the 1930s. It suggests that Black performance communities moved beyond the realist-anti-realist binaries that consumed white leftist theatre and instead developed a Black realism with radical potential.


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