scholarly journals The Politicization of Labor in 1905: The Case of Odessa Salesclerks

Slavic Review ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-445
Author(s):  
Robert Weinberg
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Remarkable Feature ◽  
Collective Rights ◽  
Urban Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
Opposition Movement

One remarkable feature of the 1905 Russian Revolution was the efflorescence of labor organizations that occurred throughout the urban regions of the empire. Many workers throughout the empire demonstrated their resolve to promote and defend their interests in an organized and rational manner, with the mass labor movement often cutting across craft and occupational divisions to bring all kinds of workers into joint economic and political action against both employer and autocracy. As 1905 progressed the political radicalization of urban workers inspired much of the opposition movement that nearly brought the government to its knees. As several United States historians have recently shown, in 1905 organized labor, particularly trade unions, entered the political arena as a potent force, with workers simultaneously demanding individual rights of citizenship and collective rights of association.

Big Business and the Kapp Putsch

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Strike

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.

Frank Tannenbaum and the Mexican Revolution

2010 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Alan Knight
Keyword(s):  
Cultural History ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Social Program ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Psychological Consequences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politics And Education ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. Tannenbaum's vision of Mexico was culturalist, even essentialist; more Veblenian than Marxist; at times downright folkloric. But he also captured important aspects of the process he witnessed: local and regional variations, the unquantifiable socio-psychological consequences of revolution, and the prevailing concern for order and stability. In sum, Tannenbaum helped establish the orthodox—agrarian, patriotic, and populist—vision of the Revolution for which he has been roundly, if sometimes excessively, criticized by recent “revisionist” historians; yet his culturalist approach, with its lapses into essentialism, oddly prefigures the “new cultural history” that many of these same historians espouse.

Tensions will simmer in Ecuador despite subsidy U-turn

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Action ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Imf

Significance The move, designed to help meet IMF loan conditions, triggered two weeks of protests by indigenous movements, trade unions, students and others, which brought the country to a halt and threatened to topple the government. Heavy-handed police and military action exacerbated the violence, which resulted in hundreds of arrests and at least eight deaths. Moreno’s U-turn has put an end to the unrest for now but deep divisions (and IMF requirements) remain. Impacts Correa and his supporters will seize on Moreno’s inability to maintain order and his decision to back down in the face of protests. Indigenous groups will be emboldened by Moreno’s U-turn and will continue resisting key elements of the government’s economic programme. Relations with the IMF have returned to centre stage and will shape the political landscape as the 2021 presidential elections approach.

scholarly journals Expropriations of Foreign Property and Political Alliances: A Business Historical Approach

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
MARCELO BUCHELI ◽  
STEPHANIE DECKER
Keyword(s):  
Science Studies ◽  
Business Owners ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

This paper proposes a classification of government expropriations of foreign property based on the types of alliances sought out by governments in their quest for support for those actions. Based on a review of historical literature and social science studies of expropriations in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America in the twentieth century, we define three types of alliances: with organized labor, with domestic business owners, or with sections of the civil service or the ruling party. We posit that each sector allying itself with the government expects rewards from the expropriation. We maintain that the type of alliance is determined by several factors, in particular, the longevity and legitimacy of the nation-state of the expropriating country, the strength of organized labor, and the political participation and strength of the domestic business sector. Our framework complements existing studies explaining when and why expropriations take place.

A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-195
Author(s):  
Maciej Olejnik
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
International Level ◽  
The West ◽  
Organizational Demands ◽  
The Government

Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.

Recent Industrial Relations Developments in China and Viet Nam: The Transformation of Industrial Relations in East Asian Transition Economies

2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang-Hee Lee
Keyword(s):  
Transition Economies ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
The Government ◽  
Labour Disputes ◽  
Positive Results ◽  
Party State

Industrial relations in China and Viet Nam are on the way to divergence. The official industrial relations actors in China have attempted ‘institutional cloning’ of key elements of modern industrial relations such as tripartite consultation and collective bargaining within the political limit imposed by the Party-state. This attempt of preemptive corporatism has so far failed to address the rising tide of various forms of labour disputes while yielding some positive results of gradual strengthening of official trade unions at the workplace. Industrial relations in Viet Nam are characterized by more vibrant associational dynamism at national and provincial levels, which is obvious in the co-existence of cooperation and competition between and within the industrial relations actors. Workers in Viet Nam display greater degree of spontaneous solidarity in the form of well coordinated ‘wildcat strikes’, which are accommodated by the government and the official trade unions at higher level.

El valor pluralismo político del art. 1.1 de la Constitución ante la reestructuración del sistema político y económico

2014 ◽  
pp. 2223-2246
Author(s):  
Albert NOGUERA FERNÁNDEZ
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
Subjective Element ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Negative Sense

LABURPENA: Aniztasun politikoa, Konstituzioaren 1.1. artikuluaren arabera, antolamendu juridiko espainiarreko balio nagusietako bat da, eta funtsezko baldintza sistema demokratiko guztientzat. Aniztasun politikoa gauzatu ahal izateko, bi elementu behar dira: bata subjektiboa (alderdi politikoen askatasuna), eta bestea objektiboa (gehiengodun ez diren alderdiek, hauteskundeen ostean, erabakiak hartzeko prozesuetan eragiteko aukera emango dien ekintza politikoa gauzatzen jarraitu ahal izatea kritika eta proposamen alternatiboak egiteko). Artikulu honek adierazten du, azken hamarkadetan sistema politikoan eta ekonomikoan egindako berregituratzeen ondorioz, aniztasun politikoa bermatzeko beharrezko diren bi elementu klasiko horiek murrizten ari direla, eta horrek eragin negatiboa izan dezakeela aniztasun politikoaren balioan. RESUMEN: El pluralismo político constituye, de acuerdo con el artículo 1.1 de la Constitución, uno de los valores superiores del ordenamiento jurídico español y condición fundamental para todo sistema democrático. La realización del pluralismo político requiere de dos elementos: un elemento subjetivo (la libertad de partidos políticos) y un elemento objetivo (la capacidad de los distintos partidos no mayoritarios de continuar desarrollando, después de las elecciones, una acción política de crítica y propuesta de alternativas que les permita influir en la toma de decisiones). Este artículo analiza cómo, fruto de la reestructuración del sistema político y económicos llevada a cabo en las últimas décadas, estos dos elementos clásicos necesarios para la garantía del pluralismo político podrían estar sufriendo una limitación que afectaría, en sentido negativo, al propio valor pluralismo político. ABSTRACT: Political pluralism is, in accordance with Article 1.1 of the Constitution, one of the highest values of the Spanish legal system and fundamental to any democratic system. The realization of political pluralism requires two elements: a subjective element (the freedom of political parties) and an objective element (the possibility of the various non-majority parties to continue developing, after the elections, a political action review and proposal alternatives allowing them to influence in the government decisions). This article analyzes how as result of the restructuring of the economic and political system held in recent decades, these two classic elements needed to guarantee political pluralism could be suffering a limitation that affect, in a negative sense, the political pluralism own value.

The Ideological Struggle

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Labor Law ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Collective Rights ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
The Press ◽  
Constitutional Revolution

Continuing the investigation into the labor-capital balance of power, Chapter 8 addresses the second of the three planes of struggle, that of ideological struggle. The chapter explores the delegitimation of organized labor in the press and how worker activists perceive this, as well as hostility towards organized labor from the political elites. This delegitimation is analyzed in the context of changing judicial narratives and the “constitutional revolution”, particularly the liberalization of labor law and the prominence of the “balance of rights” concept, including the increasing importance of third parties to labor disputes. These changes, reflected in the National Labor Court’s landmark Pelephone ruling, have undermined the salience of workers’ rights and collective rights, and strengthened employers’ rights. They have also realigned the front, pitting organized labor against “the public” as opposed to workers against their employer.

scholarly journals The Impact of Uncertainty Money Growth on the Economic Growth of South Asian Countries during 2004-2016

2019 ◽  
pp. 29-42
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact

Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.

scholarly journals Não somos selvagens: cultura política dos índios no Ceará (1799-1822) (We are not wild: Indian’s political culture in Ceará (1799-1822))

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
João Paulo Peixoto Costa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Social Space ◽  
White Men ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

<p>O espaço social imaginado para os índios na América portuguesa, entre meados do século XVIII e início do XIX, os colocava em uma ambiguidade. Mesmo estando em situação de equidade com os brancos enquanto vassalos régios, eram caracterizados como ainda sujeitos a uma espécie de “menoridade moral”. Entre a construção da imagem dessa população associada à barbárie e a ação política dessas comunidades em suas povoações, chama atenção a procura constante dos índios em identificar-se enquanto súditos do rei e merecedores dos direitos que lhes eram garantidos e que bem conheciam. Diante desses conflitos, o objetivo é contrastar a imagem de “entregues à natureza” construída pelos governadores com a cultura política dos índios vilados no Ceará, omitida dos registros do governo, apesar de sua presença latente.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The social space imagined for the Indians in Portuguese America, between the mid-eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, put them in an ambiguity. Even though they are in a situation of equality with the white men known as vassals, were characterized as still subject to a kind of "moral minority". Between the construction of the image associated with this barbarism and the political action of these communities in their towns’ population, it points out the constant pursuit of the Indians in order to identify themselves as subjects of the king and deserving of rights that were guaranteed and that they knew well. Given these conflicts, the goal is to contrast the image of  “delivered to nature” which is built by the governors with the political culture of Indians in Ceará, that are omitted from the records of the government, despite its latent presence.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>:<strong> </strong>Indians. Political culture. Ceará.</p>

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