Subject Nationalities in the Military Service of Imperial Russia: The Case of the Bashkirs

Slavic Review ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 46 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 489-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Baumann

On 6 July 1874, the government of Alexander II published an edict announcing the formation of a mounted Bashkir squadron in the Orenburgguberniia.The modest scale of the endeavor—a squadron-sized element added little to Russian military strength—belied its historic importance. The Bashkirs, in 1874, stood at a watershed in their long history of military service to Russia marking the divide between decades of irregular frontier duty and inclusion in the ranks of the regular army. The evolution of Bashkir military formations, paralleling the course of social change, offers a most instructive case in little-studied aspects of imperial policy towards subject national minorities and their employment in the armed forces in particular. A virtually forgotten component in Russia's rich military tradition, the contribution of “native” units organized among theinorodtsyof the Caucasus, the Crimea, and Asia was indeed significant.

Author(s):  
M.B. Magulov

This article examines the historical and military-historical research of Soviet, Kazakh and Russian scientists, the history of the creation of the armed forces on the territory of Kazakhstan, their formation and development. In Soviet historiography, the development of all national republics, especially their military history, was interpreted through the prism of the history of Russia or the Russian people. For many years, materials from this period (from the beginning of the 20th century until the collapse of the USSR) were not covered in the historical literature. For ideological reasons, the colonial policy of the Russian Empire was hushed up, especially during the First World War, when the "eastern aliens" were not drafted into the regular army, were used only in rear work, because the ruling elite did not trust them with weapons. This period has now begun to be viewed in a different way on the basis of new sources and began to acquire new content. At the same time, the author is guided by such a principle of scientific knowledge as historicism, consistency, comparatively comparable analysis and generalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 1189-1201
Author(s):  
M. D. Bukharin

The territorial expansion of the Russian Empire in the 18th–19th cent. resulted in urgent need to study both the peoples of the newly acquired Eastern territories, which becameRussiaas well as and their neighbours. A special role in this process was played by the military servicemen who stationed on the borders. Since the second half of the 18th century in the Russian military schools was developed a system of teaching Oriental languages. In his recent monograph “The History of the Study of Oriental Languages in the Russian Imperial Army” (St. Petersburg: Nestor-Istoria; 2018) the author M. K. Baskhanov provides a detailed description of the history and teaching process in 24 Russian military schools where the cadettes were taught Oriental languages. M. K. Baskhanov outlines strengths and weaknesses of the teaching curricula, as well as the results gained by the Russian servicemen subject to this training. The author pays special attention to prospected plans in Orientalist training, which have never been implemented. The summary of M. K. Baskhanov’s research is that in spite of significant intellectual potential of the military specialists in Eastern countries their knowledge and experience were not used in full ‒ either in Imperial Russia or during the Soviet time. The monograph by M. K. Baskhanov is a remarkable piece of modern historical studies, which will be a reference book for many years to come for those who studyRussia’s foreign policy in 18th–20th cent.


Slavic Review ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Plamper

This article provides an analysis of the locus of fear in military psychology in late imperial Russia. After the Russo-Japanese War and the 1905 Revolution, the debate coalesced around two poles: “realists” (such as the military psychiatrist Grigorii Shumkov) argued that fear was natural, while “romantics” upheld the image of constitutionally fearless soldiers. Jan Plamper begins by identifying the advent of modern warfare (foreshadowed by the Crimean War) and its engendering of more and different fears as a key cause for a dramatic increase in fear-talk among Russia's soldiers. He links these fears to literature, which offered—most prominentiy in Lev Tolstoi's Sevastopol Sketches (1855)—some of the vocabulary soldiers could use to express their fears. Mikhail Dragomirov's fear-centered military theory during the Great Reforms was the next milestone. Plamper closes by sketching the history of fear after World War I, from Iosif Stalin's penal battalions to the rehabilitation of military psychology under Nikita Khrushchev and beyond.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski

The military had been concerned about military patriotic education for a long time when Putin's Patriotic Education Programme was published. As soon as the collapse of the Soviet Union occurred, followed a few years later by the creation of the Russian armed forces, they had already been developing patriotic education programmes aimed primarily at youth, aided by veterans of local wars, both volunteers and recruits. The aim of this article is to show that the military version of patriotic education aims openly to encourage military service, and that the Russian state will try to enlist veterans of the Afghanistan and Chechen wars in activities linked to military patriotic education and its spread in military and civilian spheres. Our hypothesis is that the determination to bring veterans together around a common project has two aims: (1) to federate veterans around the authorities and (2) to channel a population that escapes government control and some of whose excesses on their return to civilian life (violence towards the population in the context of their function, for veterans of the Interior Ministry in particular) have darkened the image of the ministries known as the “power” ministries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Andriy Tkachuk

The article deals with the process of initiation and implementation of the idea of creating the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the social and political discourse of the USSR in the late 1980s – early 1990s. The positions of key pro-Ukrainian public associations and movements, their programs, and statements concerning the "Ukrainianization" of the military forces that were located in the USSR are explored. An estimation of the position of these forces on public policy in the military sphere is given. It has been found out that the majority of the public associations and movements created under the conditions of "restructuring" insisted on the need for de-ideologization and demilitarization of social and political life. In most cases, members of such organizations required on the need to form military units based on the existing USSR armed forces exclusively from residents of the republic, who would report directly to the leadership of the USSR. Besides, the demand for military service by USSR citizens only within the republic remained one of the principal in the speech of Ukrainian associations and movements. The main proposals for possible reform of the military sphere on the territory of the republic are outlined. The author points out that among the Ukrainian intelligentsia, there were different visions regarding the ways of creating such forces. One part insisted on the creation of armed forces subordinated to the government based on and in the composition of the armed forces of the USSR. The other required a complete reboot of the military sphere, the introduction of a new approach to the army formation, and, ultimately, the creation of an army of an independent Ukraine. Much attention is given to the youth’s opinion about the ideologization and militarization of the Soviet high school. Representatives of the student youth were much more active than other social groups, expressing their dissatisfaction with the current situation, which resulted in spontaneous protests against the authorities. It was concluded that, at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, the issue of military development was one of the key issues in the activities of Ukrainian unions, movements, and the first political parties. The members of these organizations were aware of the need to create an armed force in Ukraine that could counteract potential threats to state sovereignty. Such policies have resulted in numerous political actions, strikes, and demonstrations, which have been used as a mechanism to put pressure on the authorities to achieve individual political goals. In the end, under public pressure, as well as in the context of disintegration processes in the USSR, these requirements were fulfilled, which created the necessary basis for the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.


2019 ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Inna Soyko

This article deals with Steshenko's practical activity as General Secretary of Education. In developing the concept of the Ukrainian school, I. Steshenko took into account the state of education and those priority tasks that were put on the agenda by the advanced Ukrainian community, educational and student groups. The researcher notes that during the development of the concept of the Ukrainian school, I. Steşhenko took into account the state of education and those priority tasks that were put on the agenda by the advanced Ukrainian community, educational and student groups, the immediate Ukrainianization of education, the creation, especially in villages, of the Ukrainian Ukrainian schools of all types, about the earliest possible introduction of compulsory general education, the release of Ukrainian-Ukrainian teachers from the military service. In accordance with the educational developments of I.Stešenko, supported by the pedagogical community and the government, already in the 1917–1918 academic year, obligatory subjects were introduced in all schools – Ukrainian language and literature, history and geography of Ukraine. According to the results of the research, the author notes that in all schools the study of subjects of Ukrainian studies in the Ukrainian language was introduced and concurrently there should be organized circles for extracurricular study of literature and history of Ukraine, and the libraries of Ukrainian literature were created. Taking into account the influence of the theater on the consciousness of youth, it was proposed to arrange Ukrainian performances regularly at schools, involving students, to hold literary and musical evenings devoted to Ukrainian writers. According to the results of the research, the scholar presents factual materials on the contribution of I. Stešenko to the development of educational institutions. With the participation of I. Steshenko in September 1917, the Ukrainian Gymnasium of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood was opened. In the autumn of 1917, 53 secondary schools were opened by the population, including 3 Ukrainian high schools in Kyiv. These were new educational institutions, as the resistance of the Ukrainianization of existing schools on the ground was so significant that it was easier to organize a new one. In October 1917, the Ukrainian People's University, which consisted of historic-philological, physical-mathematical and legal faculties, was opened in Kiev to meet the needs of the Ukrainian people in higher education in Kyiv. The total number of students is 1,400. In November of the same year, the second higher educational institution - Pedagogical Courses was established, which later grew into the Pedagogical Academy. The new secondary school in Ukraine appearead in Ukraine thanks to his activity. The school of that period survied different intentnces cjnnectet with hetman's rule of Seoropatskiy and Rada of Peoples Commissars and in spite of hard political period, thanks to I. M. Steshenko the school of Ukraine passed the period of formation.


Author(s):  
Iwona SZKUDLAREK ◽  

Purpose: The aim of this paper is to outline a history of the participation of Polish female soldiers in the World War I. Its outlines their commitment, struggle, and efforts made to contribute to Poland's military effort during the war. The article describes the legal situation of the military participation of women in Poland, and also deals with their role and place in society. Design/methodology/approach: The aim of the article was to organize, systematize and describe the knowledge about the role and participation of female soldiers of the Polish armed forces during the World War I. The above theoretical goal has been achieved by applying the methods of analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction and inference. Findings: In the course of the work were found results, which testify to historically underestimated contribution of women in war efforts. These, both in reinforcement and in other spheres of hostilities significantly contributed to the end of the war and its final result. Social implications: Publication of the article may contribute to increasing social awareness of the underestimated participation and involvement of female soldiers in military action during the war and of the social and cultural roles they fulfill. Originality/value: The article organizes and systematizes the knowledge about the military service of women in the described period. It is addressed both to people associated with all kinds of uniformed services, management and command, as well as people from the civilian environment


Author(s):  
David Pion-Berlin ◽  
Igor Acácio

Social protests are a feature of democracy in Latin America. When the police cannot handle them, governments, facing threats to their tenure, are tempted to order the armed forces to step in. The military, when ordered to deploy in counter-protest operations, exhibits behaviors ranging from defiance to conditional and full compliance. The article investigates the sources of variation in military responses to mass protests, leveraging a small-n comparative analysis and a diverse case selection strategy. It draws on qualitative evidence from Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, democracies with a history of protests. It finds that a combination of the judicial risks soldiers assume if they repress, professional mission preferences, and social identity between the military and the protesters are the most compelling explanations for military responses.


Author(s):  
Sergey Aleksandrovich Kuzmin ◽  
◽  
Lyubov Kuzminichna Grigorieva ◽  
Margarita Vadimovna Mirzaeva ◽  
◽  
...  

In the context of the reform of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and a significant increase in the proportion of military personnel doing military service under contract, the issues of manning the troops with healthy, physically developed citizens with high moral and business qualities are of paramount importance. Of particular importance in the selection of candidates for military service under the contract is the conduct of laboratory and instrumental studies, professional and psychological selection, determination of the level of citizens’ physical fitness. The Federal Law «On Military Duty and Military Service» defines a two-stage system for medical examination of citizens entering military service under contract, which is necessary as a barrier in order to prevent citizenswho do not meet the necessary requirements for military personnel from entering the Russian Armed Forces. At the first stage (preliminary examination), the military and medical examination of citizens was carried out by specialist doctors working in medical organizations of the outpatient-polyclinic link of municipalities at the place of citizens’ permanent residence. Medical specialists of the regular military medical commission of the military commissariat of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation participated in the second stage (final examination) of the military medical examination. During the five-year period under study, 5,133 citizens (72.9 %) were selected out of 7,043 candidates for military service under contract, who fully met all the criteria for defenders of the Fatherland.


Author(s):  
Oksana Babenko ◽  

The review presents new publications on the Belarusian and the Polish historiographies of the history of the late Imperial Russia and the Soviet State. Such problems as the number and conditions of detention of foreign prisoners of war in the Belarusian territories of the Russian Empire during the First World War, the influence of the military conflicts of 1914-1921 on the identity of the inhabitants of the Belarusian lands, the initial stage of the formation of academic science in the BSSR, the question of the «invasion» of Poland by the Red Army in September 1939 are highlighted.


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