The Impact of the Great Purges on the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs

Slavic Review ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teddy J. Uldricks

We must finally understand that of all precious capital in the world, the most precious capital, the most decisive capital is human beings, cadres. We must understand that in our present condition cadres decide everything. If we have good and plentiful cadres in industry, in agriculture, in transport, in the Army, our country will be invincible. If we have no such cadres we will limp with both legs.Joseph StalinDescartes argued that the initial operation in the solution of any complex problem must be its subdivision into a series of smaller, less intricate, and therefore, hopefully, more tractable problems. Following that strategy, this study will examine one particular aspect of the purges—the destruction of the Soviet diplomatic corps—in an attempt to shed more light on the general nature of the purges and to assess the relationship, if any, between the purges and the evolution of Soviet foreign policy in the 1930s. The central tasks, then, are to describe the impact of the "Great Terror" on the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs and its embassies, and to evaluate the significance of these developments for both domestic politics and foreign relations of the USSR.

2021 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 05019
Author(s):  
E.B. Dvoryadkina ◽  
K.M. Guseynly ◽  
A.A. Sobyanin

The study deals with three factors of general nature and their impact on the economic security of the region's periphery. The essence of regional periphery economic security is described. Processes such as digitalization, urbanization and COVID-19 are considered and their impact on the economic security of the region's periphery is described. These factors are considered separately, and the characteristics of positive and negative effects coming from them are presented. The relationship between all three factors is revealed, and the influence of these processes in the aggregate is described. It was found that, cumulatively, the effect of digitalization, urbanization and COVID-19 on the economic security of the region's periphery is changing and may acquire a completely different nature than the impact of factors individually.


1978 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 881-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Gourevitch

The international system is not only an expression of domestic structures, but a cause of them. Two schools of analysis exploring the impact of the international system upon domestic politics (regime types, institutions, coalitions, policies) may be distinguished: those which stress the international economy, and those which stress political-military rivalry, or war. Among the former are such arguments as: late industrialization (associated with Gershenkron); dependencia or core-periphery arguments (Wallerstein); liberal development model (much American writing in the 50s and 60s); transnational relation-modernization (Nye, Keohane, Morse); neo-mercantilists (Gilpin); state-centered Marxists (Schurmann). Arguments stressing the role of war include those which focus on the organizational requirements of providing security (Hintze, Anderson), the special nature of foreign relations (classical political theory), territorial compensation (diplomatic history), and strains of foreign involvement (analysis of revolutions). These arguments provide the basis for criticism of much of the literature which uses domestic structure as an explanation of foreign policy, in particular those which (such as the strong-state weak-state distinction) tend, by excessive focus on forms, to obscure the connection between structures and interests, and the role of politics. These arguments also permit criticism of the notion of a recent fundamental discontinuity in the nature of international relations.


Author(s):  
D.H. Robinson

This chapter explores metropolitan and colonial English thinking about England’s place in Europe from the Reformation of the sixteenth century to the Glorious Revolution of 1688, including the emergence of primitive ideas about English hegemony from the pens of Francis Bacon and James Harrington. It also looks at the impact of foreign affairs on England’s domestic politics, including the Civil War and the Restoration. And it shows how the early colonization of North America, from Hakluyt’s narratives to the revolutions in Boston and New York in 1688, via John Winthrop’s Long March and Oliver Cromwell’s Western Design, was conducted in close and conscious union with thinking about the European system and the peace of Christendom.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110471
Author(s):  
Dasniel Olivera Pérez ◽  
Mariana De Maio

This paper analyzes the relationship between media and politics in Cuba during the presidency of Raúl Castro (2006–2018). It contributes to the theoretical discussion about the approaches concerning change and continuity in media systems with empirical evidence from interviews with communication and political science experts, and an analysis of non-standardized content in academic, political, legal, and professional documents. The (re)structuring of the media system is explained by the most important political, economic, technological, and cultural events of the period studied: the survival of the Soviet media model, the impact of the U.S. conflict with Cuba on domestic politics, and a (de)territorialized notion of system boundaries. The patterns of change and continuity are discussed through the relationships among the State’s participation in media and the fulfillment of media’s democratic functions, the media policy projection and journalism cultures, and the political articulation of the media and development of the media industry. The articulations among these patterns highlight the relevance of a multidimensional approach as an interpretive dimension of media systems.


Author(s):  
Ismail Bello ◽  
Sakariyau Rauf Tunde

The renewed xenophobic attacks in South Africa on Nigerians and other Africans is an ugly trend that raises serious concern among experts and analysts of foreign relations. The latest scenario in Pretoria has resulted in the loss of innocent lives and valuable properties destroyed by some militant youths in South Africa. According to Nigeria’s Foreign Affairs and Diaspora Advisor, Abike Dabiri-Erewa, the country has lost about 116 nationals due to the unlawful acts of some hoodlums in South Africa. This remains a significant setback and which poses a threat to the external relations of Nigeria and South Africa. The research relies on secondary data, such as journals, books, Internet materials, newspaper and official communications between South Africa and Nigeria. The ugly trend of xenophobic attack has resulted in a cold war between Nigeria and South Africa in their socio-economic and political relationships. However, the paper infers that adequate actions are required to be taken to restore and guarantee peace for the immigrants residing in South Africa. Failure to curb the menace of xenophobic violence in South Africa might degenerate into regional conflict which invariably will affect the relationship between both nations in all ramifications. The research contributes to existing literature on the issue of xenophobic attack and its impact on foreign relations; it also gives insight on the recent xenophobic attack which occurred in 2017 and its impact on Nigeria and South Africa relations.  


2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Kelly

AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a ‘reactive’ state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.


2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 765-773
Author(s):  
R. S. ALEXANDER

Study of French political history for the period of 1789 to 1851 is exceedingly complex. Not only must one possess knowledge of a succession of regimes (with their varying constitutions, institutions, laws, and conventions), one must also grasp the essentials of political traditions such as royalism, republicanism, and liberalism, all of which altered over time, and familiarize oneself with a plethora of groups or sub groups, such as Montagnards and Girondins, authoritarian and Revolutionary Bonapartists, moderate and ultra royalists, that often adjusted their beliefs and positions according to circumstance. Matters become further complicated when one takes foreign relations into account, assessing the impact of France abroad or the role of foreign relations in shaping French domestic politics.


Author(s):  
Changbin Woo ◽  
Hyejin Jung

AbstractVarious studies have proposed social enterprise as a potential policy intervention and a policy alternative to deal with the complex problem of wellbeing enhancement. However, the relationship between social enterprise and wellbeing has not been fully expounded, particularly its impact on the local community. This study aims to empirically examine the relationship between social enterprise and the wellbeing of individuals in the local community, utilizing a multilevel framework. It further explores whether social capital, measured as trust, network, and participation, plays a moderating role in the relationship between local social enterprise and the wellbeing of individuals in the community. The results indicate that social enterprise has a positive effect on the wellbeing of individuals in the community, and that social capital, particularly network and participation rather than trust, plays a moderating role in the relationship between local social enterprise and individual wellbeing. The results help explain how social enterprise improves the wellbeing of community residents as a whole, suggesting practical implications for policymakers and practitioners from governments and social enterprises.


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 103-106
Author(s):  
Hanna Y. Freij

This is a timely and engaging book about the secret peace talks between the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It is a detailed case study of Israeli decision making that produced a sea change in Israeli policy in a period of serious challenges to Israel from Islamic militants within and outside Israeli-controlled areas. Mak.ovsky underscores that a signif­icant factor in Israel's dramatic shift toward the PLO was the latter's promise to control and repress Islamist mi1itants, Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The book gets its detailed and highly nuanced portrayal of the Israeli and PLO decisions from a number of interviews with Israeli and PLO officials, Israeli academician, and trained and critical observers of Israeli politic . The author presents a highly complex picture of the dynamics between Yitzhak. Rabin and Shimon Peres and the impact of the domestic environment on Rabin's calculations to enter into negotiations with the PLO and Arafat. The sections on Israeli domestic politics and the relationship between Rabin, Peres, and Yossi Beilin are essential for any comprehensive understanding of how Israel is likely to pursue future negotia­tions with Syria and the PLO in Rabin's absence. The book starts with a quick survey of the historical background of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict Although significantly weakened by the Israeli inva­sion of Lebanon in 1982, the PLO was not destroyed and Israel failed to reduce its support in the occupied areas (p. 6). The intifada not only saved the PLO from political oblivion, it asserted the importance of the inside, nondiaspora Palestinians in the struggle against Israel, which Arafat i currently trying toundo. The American-sponsored Madrid peace talks allowed Arafat to get afoothold in the negotiations as part of the Jordanian delegation. The Shamir governmentargued that negotiations were limited to "personal autonomy" for thePalestinians, a position the Palestinian delegation flatly rejected.The second chapter focuses on the background that got the Oslo process started.Initially, the PLO asked the Norwegians to get involved in order to start adialogue between them (PLO) and Israel. International academic conferences ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ojakorotu ◽  
Rumbidzai Kamidza

This article maps the evolution of Zimbabwe’s Look East Policy (LEP) and specifically the bilateral relationship with China through the lens of Zimbabwe’s domestic politics. It argues that political elite in Zimbabwe has a vested interest in a close economic and political relationship with China at the cost of the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. The author establishes that Zimbabwe’s LEP was intended to respond to the economic sanctions imposed on it by Western nations. From the descriptive account of the LEP provided in the article, it appears that the LEP has been successful in doing that by having a broad-based economic and political relationship with China. The author further critiques the impact of Chinese investment in Zimbabwe as detrimental to the interests of the people. Foreign policy is an instrument that governs and protects the interests of governments, nationals, institutions, organisations and entities within the lenses of bilateral relations between the countries concerned. The Zimbabwe–China relations point to the fact that the latter China is politically and economically committed to engage and develop the former. However, at the heart of commitment and development in Zimbabwe lies questions of interests and the nature of the relationship which is affecting development and commitment to take place. Hence, this article argues that the failure of Zimbabwe to yield satisfying results from the bilateral relations lies mostly on the political and economic weaknesses of the Zimbabwean government and leadership. The fact that the LEP is not formally and publicly developed and disseminated to key stakeholders and the general public and that it remains largely an oral secret public policy statement affects the interests of Zimbabwean economy and interested stakeholders. This also reflects a weak foreign policy directive. As long as Zimbabwe continues to deny to engage with other superpowers and global institutions, the LEP will remain doomed as China will continue to manipulate and exploit the relationship knowingly that Zimbabwe has no other friends and partners for development and cooperation.


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