Soviet Russia and the Middle East. By Aaron S. Klieman. Studies in International Affairs, no. 14. The Washington Center of Foreign Policy Research, School of Advanced International Studies, The Johns Hopkins University. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1970. vi, 107 pp. $6.50, cloth. $2.45, paper.

Slavic Review ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 673-674
Author(s):  
Walter Laqueur

Reviews: Karl Marx: Man and Fighter, Year One of the Russian Revolution, Emile Durkheim; His Life and Work, The Role of Commissions in Policy Making, Planification Et Politique En Grand-Bretagne 1945–1971, Teachers' Unions and Interest Group Politics, The Politics of the Powerless, A Study of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, between Class and Elite: The Evolution of the British Labour Movement, Ramsay Macdonald's Political Writings, Decision by Default: Peacetime Conscription and British Defence 1919–39, Diplomacy and Persuasion. How Britain Joined the Common Market, Europe in the Making, West European Politics since 1945: The Shaping of the European Community, The Politics of Expertise, Presidents, Bureaucrats, and Foreign Policy: The Politics of Organizational Reform, Bureaucracy and Foreign Policy, The Washington Center of Foreign Policy Research, Studies in International Affairs Number 17, The Military in Politics. Changing Patterns in Brazil, The Political System of Brazil. Emergence of A “Modernizing” Authoritarian Regime. 1964–1970, Interest Conflict and Political Change in Brazil, Classes, Crises and Coups, Conflict in the Middle East, Revolution in the Middle East and other Case Studies. Studies on Modern Asia and Africa 9, Political Dynamics in the Middle East, The South African Voter, Election Campaigning Japanese Style, a Theory of Ideology: The Tanzanian Example, Means and Goals of Political Decentralization, The Politics of Constitutional Decolonization. Jamaica, 1944–1962, Readings in Government and Politics of the West Indies, the Study of Politics, An Introduction to Metapolitics: A Brief Inquiry into the Conceptual Language of Political Science

1973 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-431
Author(s):  
M. Evans ◽  
D. N. Collins ◽  
Andrew Macmullen ◽  
K. C. Wheare ◽  
Leonard Tivey ◽  
...  

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Francis Fukuyama

Professor Fukuyama, B.A. Classics, Cornell University 1974, spoke at Cornell on April 21, 2008, at the invitation of the Einaudi Center for International Studies. The Board of the Cornell International Affairs Review had the privilege of meeting with him during his visit. The following article, produced here with his permission, is an edited transcript of this talk. The board of the Cornell International Affairs Review thanks Professor Fukuyama for his support to our mission.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Penrose

Oil is a highly political commodity and has more than once taken the centre of the stage in international affairs. This is not surprising in view of its importance in industry and transportation as well as for military activities. Mesopotamian oil was a crucial consideration in a number of the political settlements in the Middle East after the First World War, with the French, British and Americans playing the leading roles, just before that war the British navy had converted to oil, and Britain considered the security of her oil supplies to be an important objective of foreign policy. She had no domestic production. In the 1920s the United States began to fear that her oil reserves were becoming dangerously depleted and she also felt that her security as well as her prosperity depended on obtaining control of oil abroad. The United States sought access to oil concessions in the Middle East, and the diplomatic skirmishes were sharp as the British and Dutch tried to keep her out, not merely from the Middle East, but from south-eastern Asia as well, where production was dominated by the Dutch. Thus oil was an important source of controversy in the foreign policy of a number of countries in the inter-war period.


Author(s):  
Burak KÜNTAY

As a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO , Turkey agreed to deploy a missile defense radar system in its southern region of Malatya in 2011. In the context of geopolitical developments before and after this pivotal year -namely, Turkey’s reorientation towards the Middle East, the Arab Awakening, and most recently, the Iranian nuclear deal of 2013- Turkey’s decision had far-reaching regional effects. To offer policy implications surrounding this decision, this paper analyzes the interaction between such political developments and the existence of this shield system within Turkey’s borders. Turkey’s decision to allow installation of the NATO defense shield came amid Western suspicions of Iran’s growing military might, nuclear program, and missile technology. Since Turkish foreign policy ever since the turn of the 21st century has shifted increasingly towards its neighbors in the Middle East, the installation and its hostile reception in Iran seemed out of sync with its foreign policy shift. Subsequently, examining the Turkish decision in light of recent regional developments provides insight about Turkey’s increasingly proactive role as not only a regional, but a global actor. Such examination includes an analysis of Turkey’s global environment through a foreign policy lens both before and after its decision to host the NATO defense shield. Paired with the technical reasons why Iran feels threatened by the missile deployment, such analysis shows that despite the growing polarity in Turkey’s neighborhood, Turkey’s NATO membership and nuanced view of international affairs makes it an important mediator moving forward in Iranian rapprochement with the West.


Author(s):  
Tewfik Aclimandos

How the Muslim Brothers in Egypt have ceased the opportunity provided by the Arab Spring to put their ideology in the field of international affairs into practice? What have been the diplomatic rationale that have determined the Morsy presidency’s foreign action and discourse? It turns out that their ideological stances have led them to nurture a very specific understanding of the role of Egypt in the Middle East. This attempt to build, under very specific constraints, an Islamist diplomacy has reinforced the weaknesses of Morsy’s power. The desire to break up with Mubarak’s legacy has allowed a new turn in the field of foreign policy that has made Morsy’s power appearing more interested in promoting the Umma’s interest than the Egyptian one.


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