Estimates of Voter Transition Probabilities from the British General Elections of 1974

1977 ◽  
Vol 140 (1) ◽  
pp. 78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm McCarthy ◽  
Terence M. Ryan
Author(s):  
C. C. Ahn ◽  
D. H. Pearson ◽  
P. Rez ◽  
B. Fultz

Previous experimental measurements of the total white line intensities from L2,3 energy loss spectra of 3d transition metals reported a linear dependence of the white line intensity on 3d occupancy. These results are inconsistent, however, with behavior inferred from relativistic one electron Dirac-Fock calculations, which show an initial increase followed by a decrease of total white line intensity across the 3d series. This inconsistency with experimental data is especially puzzling in light of work by Thole, et al., which successfully calculates x-ray absorption spectra of the lanthanide M4,5 white lines by employing a less rigorous Hartree-Fock calculation with relativistic corrections based on the work of Cowan. When restricted to transitions allowed by dipole selection rules, the calculated spectra of the lanthanide M4,5 white lines show a decreasing intensity as a function of Z that was consistent with the available experimental data.Here we report the results of Dirac-Fock calculations of the L2,3 white lines of the 3d and 4d elements, and compare the results to the experimental work of Pearson et al. In a previous study, similar calculations helped to account for the non-statistical behavior of L3/L2 ratios of the 3d metals. We assumed that all metals had a single 4s electron. Because these calculations provide absolute transition probabilities, to compare the calculated white line intensities to the experimental data, we normalized the calculated intensities to the intensity of the continuum above the L3 edges. The continuum intensity was obtained by Hartree-Slater calculations, and the normalization factor for the white line intensities was the integrated intensity in an energy window of fixed width and position above the L3 edge of each element.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.


Asian Survey ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane K. Mauzy
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 255-268
Author(s):  
Amit Kumar

Modern politics, particularly prevalent in the Western Democracies, is replete with instances wherein communication has come to play a pivotal role in the formation or dislodging a government. This is not to say that in traditional political scenario, the role of communication was any lesser. Far from it, communication has always characterized the build-up of events in politics. However, the significance of the same has increased manifold thanks to the advent of social media and complex nature of modern politics as well as due to rise of such concepts as political branding which has gained traction in the wake of proliferation of technology. The same holds true in the Indian political scenario as well. The last few years have redefined the role of communication and its tools in Indian politics, especially during a mega-political event like election. The last two general elections were testimonies to the same. The might of social media has been realized by even its staunchest critics. Along with it, the popular concept of permanent campaign has also characterized the phenomenon of political communication. This paper goes on to explore the underlying concept of political communication and how the same has come to influence the turn of events as well as the final outcome of an election.


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