Protocol of an Agreement Between the Governments of the United States of America and of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica Whereby the Former will Designate Fifteen of its Citizens to Serve in the Tribunal which may be Created in Conformity with the terms of the Convention Establishing an International Central American Tribunal

1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (S2) ◽  
pp. 106-107
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American

Contadora: The Failure of Diplomacy

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Michael Bagley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Democratic Political System

By Mid-1986, The Contadora Group's search for a negotiated peace in Central America had reached a seemingly insurmountable impasse. Negotiations were deadlocked over the issues of arms limitations, democratization, and US support for the Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries (contrarevolucionarios or contras). The United States and its closest Central American allies - Costa Rica, Honduras and El Salvador - demanded that Nicaragua reduce the size of its armed forces and install a democratic political system before they would end support for the contras Nicaragua's Sandinistas, in turn, refused to disarm until the United States and its Central American neighbors halted their support for the contras, they also rejected all proposals for direct negotiations with the contras.

The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Military

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

Refugee surge creates Belize security fears

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Drug Trade ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Gang Activity ◽  
To Receive

Subject Belize migration and security. Significance High levels of gang-related violence, and a tougher approach to migration in the United States, have sparked a surge in refugees seeking to enter Belize from the Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. However, Belizean authorities are reluctant to receive them, citing concerns about the potential for increased gang activity. Impacts Belize’s location could see it become an important transit point in the international drug trade. There is potential for conflict between Central American and Belizean gangs. Costa Rica’s strong institutions make it relatively well equipped to deal with an influx of refugees.

El Salvador vs. Imperialismo Yanqui, 1912–14

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-519
Author(s):  
Héctor Lindo-Fuentes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Final Version ◽  
Naval Base

AbstractWhen the United States invaded Nicaragua in 1912 the popular reaction in El Salvador was so strong that it completely upended politics. The article argues that this anti-imperialist movement, completely ignored by the current historiography, forced Salvadorean governments to make decisions regarding foreign policy that would have been unthinkable had it not been for the pressure from below. Popular pressures contributed to limit the scope of the final version of the Chamorro–Bryan Treaty between the United States and Nicaragua. The treaty did not include Platt Amendment-like provisions. Moreover, the Wilson administration abandoned the idea of extending a protectorate to all the Central American countries and building a naval base in the Gulf of Fonseca.

scholarly journals Central American Migration to the United States

Social Work ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Roth ◽  
John Doering-White ◽  
Karen Andrea Flynn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
Extended Family ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Labor Migrants ◽  
Federal Policies ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Primary Focus

Central America is the seven-country region between Colombia and Mexico that includes Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. Of the 44 million total immigrants in the United States (US), approximately 8 percent (3.5 million) are from this region. However, among them Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras are overrepresented. Nearly half (1.4 million) of all Central America migrants in the United States are from El Salvador alone. Therefore, these three countries are the primary focus of this bibliography. Each has a complex history that has contributed to recent migration trends, yet Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras also share much in common and are often referred to as the “Northern Triangle” by policymakers and scholars. Out-migration from the region is attributable to many factors, including a long history of violence and political instability, international gang activity, and the drug trade—all problems that have been exacerbated by US policy. While some are traditional labor migrants, many others are asylees who are fleeing persecution. Regardless of why they leave their countries, Central American migrants have begun settling across the United States, including places that have not traditionally been receiving contexts for newcomers. In response, local and federal policies have been largely exclusionary, making their process of social, cultural, and economic adaptation more difficult. Central American migrants have also been criminalized by contemporary immigration enforcement rhetoric and practices in the United States. This has contributed to growing rates of deportation which, in turn, have contributed to the disruption of immigrant families. Transnational Central American families have been reorganized by migration in other ways as well. Parents have migrated in search of better economic opportunities, leaving their children in the care of extended family members, for example. At other times, migrant parents and their children have been forcibly separated by the immigration system, whether upon apprehension at the border or as a result of interior enforcement practices. As conditions in many Central America communities remain precarious, children, youth and families continue to seek asylum at the US-Mexico border. However, the laws and practices governing the asylum process are not static. As these laws change, it is incumbent upon social workers to stay informed about the needs of Central American migrants so they can more effectively advocate for their rights.

scholarly journals The Fragility of the Labour Corridors to Costa Rica and the United States: Precarious Migrant Workers in Central America

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abelardo Morales-Gamboa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Central America ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Informal Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Labour Markets ◽  
Central American ◽  
Formal Economy ◽  
Legal Difficulties

Central American migration flows take place mostly through two main corridors: the northern corridor to the United States, and the southern corridor to Costa Rica. Using the concept of fragility, in this article I analyse how migration combines the precarity and vulnerability that Central American workers face, both in their home country and in the corridors toward the destination labour markets. Their movements and the conditions they encounter reflect a new scale of local and transnational labour relationships. Migrant workers constitute a segment of the workforce in transnational corridors, which circulates between several informal activities but also among key sectors of the formal economy; the latter often takes advantage of their social, occupational and even legal difficulties. Keywords: Central America; migrant workers; labour markets; informal economy; labour corridors

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